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      Access to HIV/AIDS care: a systematic review of socio-cultural determinants in low and high income countries

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          Abstract

          Background

          The role of socio-cultural factors in influencing access to HIV/AIDS treatment, care and support is increasingly recognized by researchers, international donors and policy makers. Although many of them have been identified through qualitative studies, the evidence gathered by quantitative studies has not been systematically analysed. To fill this knowledge gap, we did a systematic review of quantitative studies comparing surveys done in high and low income countries to assess the extent to which socio-cultural determinants of access, identified through qualitative studies, have been addressed in epidemiological survey studies.

          Methods

          Ten electronic databases were searched (Cinahl, EMBASE, ISI Web of Science, IBSS, JSTOR, MedLine, Psyinfo, Psyindex and Cochrane). Two independent reviewers selected eligible publications based on the inclusion/exclusion criteria. Meta-analysis was used to synthesize data comparing studies between low and high income countries.

          Results

          Thirty-four studies were included in the final review, 21 (62%) done in high income countries and 13 (38%) in low income countries. In low income settings, epidemiological research on access to HIV/AIDS services focused on socio-economic and health system factors while in high income countries the focus was on medical and psychosocial factors. These differences depict the perceived different barriers in the two regions. Common factors between the two regions were also found to affect HIV testing, including stigma, high risk sexual behaviours such as multiple sexual partners and not using condoms, and alcohol abuse. On the other hand, having experienced previous illness or other health conditions and good family communication was associated with adherence to ART uptake. Due to insufficient consistent data, a meta-analysis was only possible on adherence to treatment.

          Conclusions

          This review offers evidence of the current challenges for interdisciplinary work in epidemiology and public health. Quantitative studies did not systematically address in their surveys important factors identified in qualitative studies as playing a critical role on the access to HIV/AIDS services. The evidences suggest that the problem lies in the exclusion of the qualitative information during the questionnaire design. With the changing face of the epidemic, we need a new and improved research strategy that integrates the results of qualitative studies into quantitative surveys.

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          Most cited references33

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          Adherence to HAART: A Systematic Review of Developed and Developing Nation Patient-Reported Barriers and Facilitators

          Introduction The introduction of antiretrovirals has been credited with extending the life span of people living with HIV/AIDS [1]. However, treatment efficacy relies on access to treatment and excellent adherence, which has proven to be a serious challenge to those receiving highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) [2,3]. The regimens are often complicated, can require dietary restrictions, and may lead to adverse effects [4]. Non-adherence to antiretroviral therapy in adult populations has been shown to range from 33%–88%, depending on how adherence is defined and evaluated [5]. Research indicates that consistently high levels of adherence are necessary for reliable viral suppression [6,7] and prevention of resistance [8], disease progression [9], and death [10]. As successful HIV treatment requires exceptional adherence to antiretroviral therapy, interventions to improve and maintain adherence are needed. Several studies have been conducted that examine factors affecting adherence to HAART. We used a novel methodology to synthesize the information from these studies by performing a systematic review on all the literature available in this field using content analysis, particularly focusing on the currently existing qualitative studies and examining their generalizability through quantitative data. We examined both developed and developing nation patient populations [11]. Methods Search Strategy We performed a systematic, all-language literature search for all qualitative studies and quantitative surveys that addressed barriers and motivators influencing adherence to antiretroviral regimens in HIV-positive individuals. We (EJM and BR) searched the following databases: AMED (inception to June 2005), Campbell Collaboration (inception to June 2005), CinAhl (inception to June 2005), Cochrane Library (inception to June 2005), Embase (inception to June 2005), ERIC (inception to June 2005), MedLine (inception to June 2005), and NHS EED (inception to June 2005). Unpublished studies were also sought using the search terms “adherence” and “HIV” on Clinicaltrials.gov, the UK National Research Register, and conference abstracts from international conference Web sites: International AIDS Society conferences (inception to 2005) and Conferences on Retroviruses and Opportunitistic Infections (inception to 2005). Our search strategy combined terms that represented attitudes, barriers, and anxieties. Our search vocabulary included “HIV” or “AIDS”, “compliance OR adherence”, “factors OR determinant* OR barriers”, “motivate* OR facilit*”, and “HAART OR antiretroviral*”. The detailed search strategy is available from the corresponding author upon request. We supplemented this search by reviewing the bibliographies of key papers. Study Selection Two members of the study team (BR and PW) independently reviewed the abstracts. Eligible studies met the following criteria: (1) reported an original research study, (2) contained content addressing barriers or facilitators to antiretroviral adherence, and (3) were either a qualitative study or quantitative survey. The studies were divided to represent developed or developing nations, as according to the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) [12]. The HDI is a composite index that measures a country's average achievements in three basic aspects of human development: longevity, knowledge, and a decent standard of living. Figure 1 Flow Chart of Studies Included in Review Data Extraction Two reviewers (BR and PW) independently extracted data and appraised both quality and content. From an initial review of qualitative studies by BR and PW, a coding template was iteratively developed to categorize key barriers to adherence to HAART. The reviewers then conducted a second review of the papers and identified whether they contained the barriers present in the complete template. At each stage of the data abstraction, the reviewers discussed the studies to determine consensus regarding the identification and coding of themes. We analyzed the themes presented in the qualitative studies. After the initial viewing of the selected articles, these themes were grouped into categories. Barriers/facilitators fell under the following subheadings: (1) patient-related, (2) beliefs about medication, (3) daily schedules, and (4) interpersonal factors/relationships. To determine the extent to which these themes exist in the wider communities of developed and developing nations, the reviewers then abstracted data from the survey studies to determine if the issues addressed in the qualitative studies had been asked about in the surveys. We abstracted data on the prevalence of the issues as reported in the surveys. We extracted data on the quality of both qualitative and quantitative studies using pre-determined criteria for quality. We previously reported our rationale for assessing the quality of qualitative studies and in this study have extended our quality assessment to examine quantitative surveys [13]. Although no formal criteria exist for appraising the quality of surveys, we a priori determined that the following criteria are important across surveys: 1) the survey included members of the target community in the preparation of the survey tool, 2) the survey instrument was assessed for face validity, 3) the survey population was randomly selected, 4) a rationale for determining the response rate was provided, and 4) the investigators attempted to contact non-responders. We did not propose a cut-off score for higher-quality surveys versus lower-quality surveys. Table 1 Study Characteristics Table 2 Reporting Criteria of Qualitative Studies Table 3 Quality Criteria for Survey Studies Statistical Analysis We measured chance-adjusted inter-rater agreement for eligibility using the κ statistic. EM and PW conducted all statistical analyses. When information on proportions was available in the quantitative studies, we first stabilized the variances of the raw proportions (r/n) using a Freeman-Tukey-type arcsine square-root transformation [14], and then conducted weighted analysis of studies using methods described by Fleiss [15]. The pooled proportion is calculated as the back-transform of the weighted mean of the transformed proportions, using inverse arcsine variance weights for the fixed-effects model and DerSimonian-Laird weights for the random-effects model. The random-effects model recognizes that the studies are a sample of all potential studies and incorporates an additional between-study component to the estimate of variability [16]. Thus, larger studies with smaller variances have relatively more impact on the final estimate. We present the weighted mean with 95% confidence intervals, with lower confidence intervals truncated at zero. The I2 statistic was calculated as a measure of the proportion of the overall variation in the meta-analyses that was attributable to between-study heterogeneity [17]. Table 4 Barriers to Adherence Identified in Qualitative Studies (Developed Countries) Figure 2 Barriers Reported in Developed Countries Results Study Selection and Characteristics The primary literature search produced 228 studies. There was near-perfect agreement between EJM and BR on choosing the 115 applicable studies from the reviewed abstracts (K ≥ 0.8). Of these, 31 were excluded as they were either not original studies or did not examine factors that influence adherence to antiretroviral therapy. The remaining 84 studies were included in our analysis (see Figure 1). There was perfect agreement on the final studies selected between BR and PW. All studies were published in English. Thirty-seven of the studies were qualitative (see Tables 1 and 2). Twelve used focus groups (total number of patients, n = 415) [18–29], 15 used semi-structured interviews (n = 729) [30–44], and nine used open-ended questioning (n = 694) [45–53] to explore barriers and facilitators to adherence. One study employed a writing intervention to solicit barriers and motivators to adherence [54]. The 47 remaining studies employed a quantitative methodology (surveys) and used structured questionnaires or structured interviews (total n = 12,902 [55]) [4,56–100] to determine potential factors. Table 3 displays the quality criteria results for the quantitative studies. No studies reported following up with non-responders to the surveys. Of the total sample of eligible studies, 72 were conducted in developed countries [4,18–25,30–39,44–46,48–50,53–56,58,59,61,62,64–67,69–76,79–81,83,84,86,87,108], and 12 in developing nations [47,52,57,60,63,68,77,78,82,85,94,96]. Fifty-six were from the United States [4,18–26,28,30–36,38–40,46,49–51,53,54,58,59,61,62,66,67,70,71,73,74,76,79–81,84,86,88–91,93,95,108], three from Canada [27,45,72], three from the United Kingdom [55,69,98], two from Italy [56,64], two from France [75,92], two from The Netherlands [42,83], and one each from Australia [48], Switerland [37], and Belgium [44]. Two studies were multinational [65,87]. The studies conducted in developing countries included four from Brazil [47,68,78,85], and one each from Uganda [57], Cote d'Ivoire [63], South Africa [82], Malawi [96], Botswana [52], Costa Rica [94], Romania [60], and China [77]. Tables 4 and 5 outline the factors affecting HAART adherence reported by HIV-positive individuals from developed and developing countries as determined by the qualitative studies. Table 5 Facilitators Reported in Qualitative Studies Barriers and Facilitators Listed by Patients in Developed Countries: Themes from Qualitative Studies Barriers. Thirty-three individual themes of barriers were recorded in 34 qualitative studies (see Table 4). Patient-related: Thirteen barriers were patient-related and included: a fear of disclosure and wanting to avoid taking medications in public places (23/34) [18–20,22–25,27–29,31–33,35–37,40,42,44,45,49–51,108]; feeling depressed, hopeless, or overwhelmed (18/34) [19,23–26,29,31,33,36,40,41,43,45,46,49,50]; having a concurrent addiction (14/34) [23,24,27,31,33,36,39–42,49–51,81]; and forgetting to take medication at the specified time (11/34) [20,24,25,28,31–33,37,40,44,50]. Other barriers include: being suspicious of treatment/medical establishment (9/34) [21,26,35,36,38,41,42,50,51]; wanting to be free of medications or preferring a natural approach (10/34) [20,21,29,31,32,37,44,50,54,108]; feeling that treatment is a reminder of HIV status (8/34) [18,32,38,39,41,43,49,54]; wanting to be in control (7/34) [28,31,37,38,41,54,108]; not understanding treatment instructions (5/34) [31,33,36,38,42]; still having doubt or not being able to accept HIV status (5/34) [18,33,42,44,51]; and a lack of self-worth (4/34) [35,43,44,51]. Financial constraints [31,42,46], being homeless [40,42], and having other concurrent illnesses affecting adherence were also cited. Beliefs about medication: There were eight reported barriers pertaining to beliefs/perceptions about medications. Some common barriers in this category included: side effects (either real or anticipated) (27/34) [18,20,21,23–32,35,37,38,41–46,48–50,54,108]; complicated regimens (12/34) [18,22,23,26–28,32,42,48–50,54]; and the taste, size, dosing frequency, and/or pill count (12/34) [18,20,23–25,29,45,48–50,54]. In nine studies, when individuals prescribed HAART felt healthy, adherence was often negatively affected [22,24,25,29,32,33,38,43,44]. Other barriers included: doubting the efficacy of HAART (7/34) [21,23,25,26,42,45,46]; having a decreased quality of life (6/34) [20,24,25,38,42,46]; uncertainty of long-term effects (6/34) [30,32,45,46,48,49]; and unwanted changes in body image (5/34) [18,28,37,45,54]. Daily schedules: Nine common barriers were related to daily schedules and included: disruptions in routine or having a chaotic schedule (16/34) [19,22,23,25,27,30,37,39–45,54,108]; finding HAART too inconvenient or difficult to incorporate (14/34) [19,20,27–29,31,32,37,38,41,44,46,48,54,108]; and difficulties coordinating adherence with work, family, or care-giving responsibilities (11/34) [18,20,24,27,28,31,32,37,45,54]. Individuals in seven studies found it difficult to balance the numerous strict dietary requirements associated with HAART [18,19,22,25,30,39,45]. Six studies cited sleeping through a dose [19,29,31,39,40,49]. Other barriers included: being away from home and not bringing medication (6/34) [24,31,33,39,40,42]; being too distracted or busy (5/34) [24,29,33,40,51]; and having no time to refill prescriptions, or other pharmacy-related problems (4/34) [22,24,25,31]. Finally, four studies described difficulties with a particular dose, particularly the middle-of-day or early-morning dose [19,29,42,48]. Interpersonal relationships: Interpersonal relationships can affect adherence behaviors. Twelve studies noted a lack of trust or a dislike of a patient's health-care provider as an impediment to adherence [21–24,27,31,34,36,38,42,49,50]. Ten studies noted social isolation [23,25,33,36,42,44,48–51]. Nine studies noted negative publicity regarding HAART or the medical establishment [21,28,35,36,38,44–46,51]. Finally, five studies noted that having a discouraging social network often deterred patients from successful adherence (5/34) [21,23,28,35,45]. Facilitators. Patient-related: Fourteen factors facilitating successful adherence to HAART were abstracted. Patient-related facilitators included having self-worth (15/23) [19,23,26,28,29,32,36,41,42,44,45,49–51,53], medication taking priority over substance use (4/23) [23,36,40,42] and seeing positive results when adhering to HAART (6/23) [24,26,28,32,45,50]. Also, those patients who had accepted their HIV-seropositivity reported improved adherence (8/23) [18,28,29,32,41,44,49,51]. Beliefs about medication: The most common motivator (12/23) to adherence is a belief in the efficacy of HAART and “having faith” in the treatment [18,19,21–24,42,44,45,49,50,53]. Other motivators included understanding the need for strict compliance (9/23) [18,24,26,28,30,32,36,42,44], and having a simple regimen (3/23)[18,21,49]. Daily schedules: Twelve studies reported learning to balance HAART with daily schedules as a facilitator of adherence. Having a routine in which taking antiretrovirals could be easily incorporated (11/23) [22,23,26,30,32,36,40,42,44,45,49], and making use of reminder tools (7/23) [18,22,23,40,42,44,49] are both reported to be effective tools for optimizing adherence. Interpersonal relationships: Positive interpersonal relationships were reported as necessary for successful adherence. Having a trusting relationship with a health-care provider was reported as a facilitator of adherence in 17 studies [18,19,21–24,28,29,32,34,36,42,44,45,49–51,53,108]. In addition, openly disclosing HIV status to family and friends and having a strong support network was reported as influential to adherence (18/23) [18,19,22,23,26,30,32,35,36,40,42–45,49–51,53]. Other motivators included: living for someone, especially, children (9/23) [19,21,23,26,28,43,45,50,51]; being actively involved in treatment decision making (4/23) [18,22,34,36]; and using friends and family as reminders (6/23) [18,19,23,35,40,53]. Common themes from surveys and quantitative studies. Figure 2 displays the pooled results of studies assessing barriers and reporting proportions of responders. Table 6 displays the surveys that did inquire of the issues addressed in the qualitative studies. There were three barriers described in qualitative reports but not in the quantitative studies. These were: having suspicions regarding HAART, wanting to be in control, and doubting or having difficulty accepting one's HIV status. Table 6 Barriers Reported in Quantitative Studies (Surveys) Eight quantitative studies reported facilitators to adherence (see Table 7). Four themes for facilitation of adherence were mentioned in the qualitative studies that were not discussed in the relevant quantitative studies (i.e., having medication take priority over substance abuse, having a simple regimen, using reminder tools, and living for someone). Barriers Listed by Patients in Developing Countries: Themes from Qualitative Studies As there were only two studies identified, we describe the findings here. Eighteen specific barriers are cited in two studies [47,52]. Patient-related: The most common patient-related barriers were: having a co-existing substance addiction, simply forgetting, and financial constraints [47,52]. Other barriers affecting adherence incorporated: a fear of disclosure [52]; difficulty understanding both treatment instructions; the need for compliance [47]; and the presence of concurrent diseases or illnesses, including malnutrition [52]. Beliefs about medication: Barriers reflective of patient beliefs regarding antiretrovirals included: side effects (either real or anticipated) [52]; complicated regimens [52]; the taste, size, and frequency of dosing [52]; having doubts about HAART efficacy [47]; feeling fine or healthy [52]; a decreased quality of life while taking medications, or feeling too sick [52]; and being uncertain about potential long-term effects of HIV treatment [47]. Daily schedules: Trouble incorporating work and family responsibilities with HAART was seen as a barrier to adherence in both studies. Traveling long distances to receive treatment was common, and not surprisingly, transportation difficulties were often reported to be a major hindrance to adherence (2/2). Other barriers included running out of medications or having an irregular supply [52]; being away from home [52]; and being too busy or distracted to properly comply [52]. No studies mentioned interpersonal relationships as a barrier to adherence in this population. No facilitators to adherence were discussed in any study in a developing nation setting. Themes from surveys and quantitative studies. Ten surveys were found in developing settings (see Figure 3). No quantitative study enquired of difficulties with morning or afternoon doses, work and family responsibilities, or listed inconvenience as a barrier. Discussion To our knowledge, this is the first systematic review to examine the concerns of HIV patients to maintaining adherence. We found that fear of disclosure, forgetfulness, a lack of understanding of treatment benefits, complicated regimens, and being away from their medications were consistent barriers to adherence across developed and developing nations. More common to developing settings were issues of access, including financial constraints and a disruption in access to medications. While there is a tremendous paucity of qualitative research in developing settings, our findings indicate that many barriers to adherence can be addressed with patients through discussion and education regarding treatment benefits to health. In developing settings, access to medications is the greatest concern. Indeed, discussion in both economic settings may alleviate patients' suspicions regarding treatment and address practical barriers to improve adherence. This study should also be used to guide the development of interventions aiming to improve adherence in any setting. This study has several important strengths. The methods we employed to tabulate these findings come from a multi-step process. We first systematically identified qualitative and quantitative studies examining the questions. We then extracted the themes from the qualitative studies and determined which of them were sampled in the quantitative studies. Finally, we synthesized the available quantitative data. By systematically determining the existence and prevalence of barriers in multiple qualitative and quantitative studies, we believe that stronger inferences can be made into patient-related adherence obstacles and facilitators. We have previously demonstrated that surveys benefit from systematically examining qualitative studies, as this improves content validity [13,101]. To this end, our review of qualitative studies identified several key themes addressing barriers to adherence that were not examined in larger quantitative studies. The presence of barriers in more than one qualitative study, consisting of populations of patients representing different patient populations, supports the conclusion that these barriers are somewhat applicable. Our meta-analysis of survey data is a relatively new process that we have previously demonstrated [102,103], and can permit stronger inferences into the generalizability of our findings. Finally, our criteria to assess the quality of both qualitative studies and surveys are a new contribution to the methodological literature. Recognizing that the absence of reporting particular methodological criteria may not reflect what was actually conducted during a study [104], we invite discussion regarding the relative usefulness and applicability of these criteria. This work has several limitations. We aimed to reduce reviewer bias by conducting abstraction independently, in duplicate. We cannot, however, know to what extent we may miss themes or to what extent reporting bias of the original report may have contributed. We emphasize that our methodology is specific but not sensitive for identifying themes. Reporting bias in the included manuscripts may have limited our ability to identify all barriers and facilitators to adherence. A broad range of economic and social conditions fall under the Human Development Index. It would wrong to assume that all individuals living in a HDI-categorized “developed” nation are in a better economic situation than all individuals living in a “developing” nation. Detailed information pertaining to this was rarely available in the original reports included in this review. It is possible that surveys used in developing nations were similar to surveys used in developed nations. However, the validity of these surveys in developing settings may not be appropriate, and we press for further qualitative research on this topic. Detailed population descriptions (e.g., education level) and the regional conditions from which this study is produced (e.g., gross national product) would benefit interpretation of future studies in this field. There are several interpretations of appropriate adherence and execution of drug regimens. We did not evaluate patients' perceptions of what “adherence” mean to them, whether it meant acceptance, execution, or persistence of drug therapy [105]. In our meta-analyses of pooled survey data, we found large heterogeneity (as displayed by the I2 values in Figures 2 and 3), indicating large variation between the surveys. Very little methodological literature deals with pooling proportions, and our findings call for further exploration to determine the importance of this heterogeneity. Finally, there were few studies in developing countries that studied early adopters to antiretroviral therapy. These individuals may not be representative of the larger epidemic and may not have experienced longer-term side effects of therapy. Table 7 Facilitators Reported in Quantitative Studies (Surveys) It is important to note that the qualitative studies generated a richer spectrum of barriers and facilitators than did the quantitative studies. Qualitative studies are superior at identifying patient-important barriers and facilitators. We would submit that the ideal study of adherence would be one that occurs across several phases and incorporates both qualitative and quantitative elements. For example, to avoid biasing one's investigation with a priori assumptions about what may be important factors relating to adherence in a given population, it is logical to commence a study with qualitative research, thereby allowing the local population to tell the researchers what they believe to be important barriers, rather than the reverse. By using questionnaires developed in settings that are economically or culturally foreseeably different, the surveys force respondents to answer potentially irrelevant questions. Clearly, the evidence base for barriers and facilitators of adherence is far richer from developed countries than from developing countries. In our analysis we found only two qualitative studies published from developing nation settings. This is sadly paradoxical, given that the vast majority of HIV/AIDS patients live in the developing world, and over the coming decades will constitute a growing proportion, and probably the majority, of the world's HAART recipients. Consequently, we see further research on HAART adherence in developing countries that incorporates both qualitative and quantitative elements as a priority. Figure 3 Barriers Reported in Developing Countries Our findings should influence adherence program delivery systems in developing settings. We found that issues such as fear of disclosure, suspicions about treatment, forgetfulness, and irregular supply were important barriers identified by large proportions of the populations studied. It seems appropriate that before mandating any adherence program, such as disclosure or accompagnateurs, opportunities should be provided for individuals who require opting out [106,107]. Further, in developing settings, the reliability of medication access is an important adherence barrier that individuals have little opportunity to facilitate. Patient-level adherence can be determined only when a steady supply of medication exists. We identified a broad range of barriers and facilitators to adherence. These barriers should be inferred as guides for interventional research to improve adherence rates. Given the many factors tabulated in this review, clinicians should use this information to engage in open discussion with patients to promote adherence and identify barriers and facilitators within their own populations. The methodology we used to pool the quantitative data is novel and may prove a useful methodological tool for generalizing patient-important issues.
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            Explaining Adherence Success in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Ethnographic Study

            Introduction People living with HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa generally take more than 90% of prescribed doses of antiretroviral therapy (ART) [1–12]. This number exceeds the levels of adherence observed in North America [13] and dispels early scale-up concerns that adherence would be inadequate in settings of extreme poverty [14–16]. These near-perfect levels of adherence are being achieved despite formidable obstacles in the poorest regions of the world. Prohibitive costs of self-pay medications and drug stock-outs create insurmountable access barriers and lead to missed doses [3,7,10,12,17–20]. Expanding access to free ART and better distribution systems are addressing these obstacles. However, out-of-pocket expenses, including user fees, laboratory tests, and transportation over often long distances to and from treatment sites remain important barriers to sustained adherence and medical care [5,21–24]. Time spent traveling to and attending clinical appointments places additional economic strain on patients and their families by competing with income generating activities. Failure to negotiate economic obstacles can lead to ART interruptions, viral rebound, and resistance to limited available regimens [2,25]. Social and cultural obstacles also threaten adherence success. Stigma and the fear of disclosure cause patients to skip doses if privacy is unavailable at a scheduled dosing time [5,21]. Conflicting messages from health care practitioners and religious authorities may also interfere with adherence [26,27]. Behavioral obstacles similar to those observed elsewhere, including forgetting doses, fear of side effects, traveling without medications, and stopping drugs when symptoms disappear have also been reported for sub-Saharan Africa [3,4,10,18,25,26]. Adherence facilitators in resource-scarce settings have received less attention than adherence barriers. Currently, home-based adherence “help” is emerging as an important resource to support adherence. One form of home-based help centers on community health workers. Community health workers are laypersons trained and paid through treatment programs to provide adherence support and other services at home. They deliver medications, observe dosing, refer individuals for HIV-testing, offer encouragement, provide nutritional and housing support, help with transportation, and in general represent important links between clinics and communities [22,28–32]. A second form of home-based help is treatment supporters [33]. Treatment supporters (also termed treatment “partners” and treatment “assistants”) are laypersons nominated by patients to help with treatment adherence. They remind patients of dosing times, and often (though not always) witness dosing. They are not health care workers, but individuals with close personal ties to patients. As family members or friends, treatment supporters often live in the same or a nearby household. Treatment supporters are not specifically trained or paid, but nonetheless make a formal commitment to their role. Early studies suggest that both treatment support and community health worker approaches to home-based help may improve treatment outcomes [4,22,28,34]. More structured support in the form of clinic-based modified directly observed therapy (MDOT) has shown promising results in Kenya [35]. The factors accounting for the observed benefit of MDOT are currently unknown. Results of similar initiatives in the United States are more mixed [36,37]. To better understand exceptional adherence in sub-Saharan Africa, we analyzed qualitative data from an ethnographic study carried out in three countries: Nigeria, Tanzania, and Uganda. Methods Study Design This patient-centered ethnographic study took place in public HIV-treatment settings in Nigeria, Tanzania, and Uganda (see Table 1). The HIV/AIDS Clinic at Jos University Teaching Hospital (JUTH) is located in a medium-sized city in Nigeria's central plateau and currently follows more than 8,400 patients prescribed ART. The ART Clinic of Amana District Hospital is located in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and currently follows approximately 5,300 patients on ART. The Immune Suppression Syndrome (ISS) Clinic at Mbarara University of Science and Technology is located in rural southwest Uganda and currently follows approximately 7,000 patients prescribed ART. A wide range of geographic and social variation is represented across the three sites. Table 1 Study Site Characteristics Sampling We used a purposeful sampling design. The goal of purposeful sampling is to systematically represent a variety of perspectives on the topic under study [38]. Three different perspectives chosen for relevance to the topic of adherence were represented in this research: (1) patients; (2) treatment partners (termed “assistants” at the Tanzanian site); and (3) health care providers. In Nigeria and Tanzania, random samples of potential patient participants were drawn from the larger populations of adults meeting inclusion criteria. Inclusion criteria were: (1) age 18 y or older; (2) prescribed antiretroviral therapy for HIV/AIDS for no fewer than 6 and no more than 12 mo at the time of sampling; and (3) residence within 20 km of Jos University Teaching Hospital or Amana District Hospital. In Uganda, patient participants were drawn from the larger Uganda Antiretroviral Treatment Outcomes (UARTO) study, a prospective study of antiretroviral-naïve patients initiating ART led by one of the authors (DRB). Treatment partners who participated in the study were referred by patient participants. Patients were asked to name “someone who assisted them in their efforts to take antiretroviral medications.” Health care providers who participated were volunteers who responded to a letter of invitation introducing the study. Recruitment In Nigeria and Tanzania, patient participants were recruited at the clinic during routine follow-up visits. At a free moment (e.g., while waiting to be seen or at the conclusion of the visit), staff approached eligible individuals to describe the study and extend an invitation to participate. In Uganda, permission to contact prospective patient participants for recruitment was first obtained by UARTO research staff. Once permission was obtained, a research assistant for this ethnographic study approached the participant for consent. Treatment partners were visited or telephoned by staff after giving permission for contact. Health care providers who indicated interest in response to the letter of invitation were invited to participate. The research was approved by the institutional review boards at Harvard Medical School (Boston, Massachusetts, United States); Jos University Teaching Hospital (Jos, Nigeria); Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences (Dar es Salaam, Tanzania); Mbarara University of Science and Technology (Mbarara, Uganda); and the Uganda National Council for Science and Technology (Kampala, Uganda). Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. Data Collection Data were collected through in-person qualitative interviews and observations of clinic activities. Information on adherence was collected through the 3-d self-report instrument from the AIDS Clinical Trials Group edited and adapted for cultural context [39]. All data were collected by African researchers. The researchers were Nigerians, Tanzanians, and Ugandans who had been trained in ethnographic data collection techniques by two of the authors (NCW and MAW). In-Person Interviews Multiple interviews were conducted with patient and treatment partner participants to allow for elaboration of areas whose significance emerged as analysis proceeded. The interviews were semistructured, meaning that predesignated core topics, but not specific questions, were covered in each session. This approach ensured that specific areas were covered in each interview, but also allowed unanticipated themes to emerge. Core topics for patient interviews included: (1) specific experiences of taking ART (e.g., “stories” of the most recent dose taken, most recent dose missed); (2) clinic visits; (3) help received from treatment partners. Core topics for treatment partner interviews included: (1) types of help provided; (2) feelings about being a treatment partner; (3) perceptions of the impact of help. Core topics for health care provider interviews included: (1) description of typical clinic visit; (2) the ways adherence comes up in clinical visits; (3) perceptions of barriers to adherence for patients. The goal of the interviews was to understand ART adherence from the interviewees' points of view. Patient participant and treatment partner interviews were conducted in homes or at other locations of the interviewee's choosing outside the clinic. Health provider interviews were conducted at the clinic. Privacy was protected by conducting the interviews in locations where the conversation could not be overheard. Interviewees had the option of conducting the interview in the local language (Hausa, Kiswhahili, Runyankore) or in English. Interviews were audio-recorded with permission and averaged about an hour in length. Patients received compensation in the form of reimbursement for transportation (where applicable) or a small stipend. Field Observations Observations are a hallmark of ethnographic data collection. They involve the presence of a researcher in a naturalistic setting and the witnessing of events and activities of interest to a given research inquiry [40]. Observations have the advantage of providing a direct view of phenomena under study to complement one that is mediated through verbal interview reports. The following activities were observed by research staff at each of the clinical sites: (1) routine follow-up visits of patients taking ART; (2) counseling sessions; (3) health education sessions; and (4) the dispensing of antiretroviral medications. Observation sessions lasted 30 min to 1 h. Data Preparation Shortly after the completion of each interview, the interviewer produced a detailed write-up in English on the interview content, using the audio-recording and notes taken during the interview to ensure accuracy and completeness. The interview write-ups took the form of “stream-lined” transcripts. A “stream-lined” transcript is produced in English (without first transcribing in the local language) and consists only of interview questions asked and their responses. This approach to data preparation has several advantages. First and foremost, it captures the desired level of detail often lost in a summary and preserves the exact words of the interviewee. It can be completed in a reasonable amount of time by the interviewer, eliminating the expense of separate transcription. Accuracy is also improved using this approach. The write-ups contain a section in which the interviewer adds relevant contextual details and impressions not captured in the transcript. Descriptions of activities observed were written up following each session as field notes. Data Analysis Analysis aimed at explaining adherence to ART using an inductive approach to category construction and interpretation of data [41,42]. Descriptive categories were constructed to characterize approaches to overcoming economic obstacles to care. To construct the categories, content related to patients' adherence experiences was retrieved from coded data. Relevant sections of text were identified, copied, and grouped according to the type of adherence obstacle represented. These sections of text were then reread to characterize the ways in which patients negotiated these obstacles to avoid missing doses and clinic visits. The data were re-organized in terms of these characterizations to produce an initial category “set.” Each category forming the set was named, defined, and illustrated through interview excerpts. The set was refined—revised, specified, and elaborated—through successive returns to the data in which additional sections of relevant text were extracted. Interpretive analysis used a theoretic social science construct to develop an argument based on the categories. The data suggested “social capital,” i.e., resources accruing from social networks, as the best explanatory construct to interpret adherence strategies and explain their success. Results Study Participants 158 patients, 45 treatment partners, and 49 health care providers participated in this study. 414 interviews and 136 observation sessions were conducted across the three sites. Characteristics of Study Participants Patients. Approximately two-thirds (65%) of patients who participated in this study were women. The mean age of the patient group was 38 y. Less than half (44%) were married or living with a partner. Approximately three-quarters (71%) of the patients were Christian; the remainder were Muslim. Primary school was the highest level of education completed for slightly more than half (57%) of the patient sample. 65% of patients met criteria for Stage III or Stage IV disease according to World Health Organization (WHO) criteria at initiation of HIV care. Treatment partners. More than half (56%) of treatment partners were female. The mean age of the group was 39 y. Three-quarters (73%) were married or living with a partner. 60% were Christian; the remainder were Muslim. Primary school was the highest level of education completed for about a third (35%) of the group. Health care providers. Approximately two-thirds (64%) of health care provider participants were women, and the mean age of the group was 38 y. About a quarter (27%) of the sample were physicians; a third (35%) were nurses. Nineteen percent were counselors and 16% were pharmacists or medication dispensers. Two full-time “tracking” officers, responsible for locating patients lost to follow-up, were included in the sample (2%), as was another expert patient fulfilling an administrative function (1%). Ethnographic Data On the basis of category construction and interpretation of the data, we organized the findings from ethnographic data to demonstrate: (1) prioritization of adherence to overcome economic obstacles, and (2) responsibility in social relationships as an explanation of prioritization. Prioritizing adherence to overcome economic obstacles. Participants reported that most adherence obstacles were related to resource scarcity. Resource scarcity means that basic commodities required for daily living are not easily available. For example, obtaining money for transportation to clinic appointments (where prescriptions are refilled) is rarely a simple matter of dipping into a ready supply of cash. Concerted effort and specific strategies were required to raise needed funds to secure medications. Patient participants spoke of raising transport funds through loans and handouts, what they termed borrowing and “begging.” Loans—from treatment partners and other family and friends—were a reliable source of cash but were expected to be repaid, often with interest. Some interviewees reported selling possessions or earning income through work to repay loans. Others borrowed repeatedly but saw no way to resolve the debts they had incurred. Chronic indebtedness was a source of considerable emotional distress for borrowers, as these interview excerpts indicate: “Most times I borrow money [to get to clinic] and worry about re-paying the debt.” (Interviewer: “How do you re-pay the debts?”) “I work and look for money digging and weeding in people's plantations.” And: “When you do not have money you think of how you will come to clinic for medicine. [Last time] I borrowed from a friend but now I have paid it back.” (Interviewer: “How did you feel about borrowing?”) “I felt raw and depressed because I got worried. Actually I lost kilograms. When I came to the clinic and got weighed I had lost 2 kgs.” Treatment partners reported borrowing to help patients. In the following excerpt, a treatment partner describes how “having friends who have shops” provides access to credit that enables her to accommodate the food preferences of the patient she helps, who is not doing well: “The patient is seriously sick now. She is not ok. And when patients are seriously sick they lose their appetite. If you give her beans she will not eat. So we are borrowing rice from people with shops. They trust us and they lend, paying is a problem. I live with good neighbors who have shops. They help me, and at the end of the month I pay them. She likes rice very much. If you cook rice with anything, she eats.” Requesting handouts of cash—termed “begging” by interviewees—was also reported. Handouts were not expected to be repaid. Interviewees “begged” handouts for transport funds from family, friends, and health care providers: “If I see the date [of clinic visit] is approaching, I will start begging for help. I tell people the date of my clinic is coming and that I don't have money, so they should assist me.” And: “Sometimes I beg or ask for money to attend the clinic. Sometimes I have money for going there and beg at the clinic [for money to return]. Last time my uncle gave me money to go there. To get back I had to beg for money from the doctor.” Cash in hand, whether borrowed, “begged,” or earned, is immediately subject to competing claims. As a result, patient participants were continually confronted with “impossible choices”: HIV care or treatment for a sick child? HIV care or school fees? HIV care or food for the family? Resource scarcity sometimes required denying the needs of loved ones in order to secure money for transportation to clinic: “Seven days before going to get the medicine, I try to look around for money. If it means not eating or buying food for the children I do that, because they told us that we are not supposed to miss …” Food, essential to survival and functional recovery while on ART, was often treated as expendable. Patient participants understood that taking medications with food and adhering to a healthy diet that includes a variety of food groups is important for their treatment and recovery on ART. Though reluctant to ignore doctors' orders, patient participants sacrificed their own need for food to meet the needs of others close to them: “If I don't have porridge [when I take the pills] I feel nauseated. [But at times it's hard to get porridge] because I buy it with money and when it's the school fee season there is no money.” Strategies for obtaining help from others notwithstanding, there are times when patients simply “do without.” They do without food, but take their medications anyway, despite hunger-induced exacerbation of ART side effects. They do without transport, and walk to clinic, which can often take several hours: “It's hard to take meds without food. When I take meds without food I get a stomachache. But you can't miss meds because of food. I take meds with an expectation that I may get food later.” And: “[When there's no food] I just take [the drugs] on an empty stomach. And I will feel like vomiting – dizzy, weak and all. When I don't eat before taking drugs, honestly, I don't find it easy at all.” And: “Five months ago the car got spoilt and now I am walking to the clinic. At first I had money for a [motorcycle taxi] but now I do not even have that. I will continue walking whatever happens.” Borrowing and “begging” transport funds, making impossible choices, and “doing without” are ways of overcoming the economic obstacles that continue to block access to treatment for HIV/AIDS despite the availability of free ART. These sacrifices reflect the extraordinary efforts and commitment of individuals who are assigning “first priority” to HIV care: “Taking meds is my life. I have to give meds first priority because they are helping me.” Explaining prioritization: adherence to improve health and fulfill responsibility in social relationships. As in resource-rich settings, the immediate reason patients assign “first priority” to adherence is to improve health. Patient participants described profound improvements after starting ART, as grave illness gave way to weight gain, renewed energy and strength, and the ability to care for themselves. With treatment, most patients returned to normal activities, including income-generation. Clinical improvement also brought renewed hope for a long life. The restoration of health and hope, together with the memory of previous suffering and the threat of jeopardizing what has been gained should adherence lapse, provide powerful motivation to take ART correctly. However, the pursuit of health does not completely explain why patients assign first priority to adherence. For African patients, good health is important because it helps to preserve relationships with others. The contribution of social relationships to mental and physical health is well-documented for North America [43–47]. In settings of economic scarcity, relationships are not only important for health but also essential to survival. Our data suggest the prioritization of adherence reflects the importance of relationships as a resource for managing economic hardship. Chronic illness is always hard on close relationships. But when health care is a scarce resource, illness imposes an extra burden on social intimates who must then assume responsibility for care. Care provision means investing valuable time, energy, and financial resources to promote the patient's health. The investment is justified when there is an expectation of recovery, but becomes harder to defend if it appears the illness may be terminal. When an illness is considered terminal, caregivers may look for ways of severing their connection with the patient and ending the drain on scarce resources. One interviewee explained it this way: “When I fell sick, some of the people in my family thought I was going to die soon, so they advised my brother and sister (whom I was living with) to look for transport to send me back to the village. Some people, if they see you in terminal illness, they start to value their money. They think, ‘this illness is getting worse. It'll really cost me to transport a dead body, whereas to arrange to transport a living body is different….'” Patient participants in this study received adherence assistance from several sources. In addition to money for transport, treatment partners, other family and friends, and fellow patients provided regular reminders of dosing times. They offered encouragement by emphasizing the benefits of treatment and continually reinforcing the importance of taking medications as prescribed. Treatment supporters also worked to destigmatize HIV/AIDS. They socialized in public with infected persons; likened HIV/AIDS to common, but less stigmatized conditions (e.g., malaria); and challenged myths by deliberately sharing food and eating utensils. “…when they [a set of friends of the patient] started understanding the problem [HIV/AIDS], everybody started withdrawing from eating in the same container with him. …I saw everyone was running away from him so I called him and lied to him. I did not want to create division and break him the more. So I told him, ‘look, I met one of your doctors and she told me that you have to be very careful because of infection. You don't eat anything anybody else eats, you don't use the same cup anybody else uses, because you could get another infection and it could be even worse.' And then I ate with him, so the others would see.” Health care providers were also important sources of help. They supported adherence through education, reinforcement, even the organization of care. At one site, providers maintained a flexible schedule to accommodate patients, even though it made their days longer. They instituted a policy of accepting “latecomers”—individuals who arrived after the deadline for being seen on a given day had passed. Not infrequently, providers stepped outside their professional roles to make resources available to those in need. They provided money and food at their own expense, and organized larger efforts to generate support. In the following quote, a provider describes her practice of helping indigent women patients toward financial independence by securing small loans and then indicating how they might use the funds to start small businesses: “I say, ‘go around in your area, your community. Look at what people like that is not available there. Go and get some of these things and begin to sell them.' That is how I do it.” Providers expected adherence and did not hesitate to make their expectations known. In clinic, staff communicated expectations of adherence by stating repeatedly that antiretroviral therapy must be taken as prescribed. In extreme cases, they even threatened those who repeatedly missed clinic appointments with withdrawal of access, as we see from the following report: “I told [the patient] this morning, ‘You had better decide if you are going to take these drugs. Because the way you are doing, you are creating resistance. I am giving you my last warning. If you come next time with the same story, even if you beg from heaven, we will discontinue you.' That is what I told her. (Interviewer: And would you really?) If she comes back with the same story, I am serious. We will discontinue her. We will.” Treatment partners also expected adherence. As one person put it: “We insist she take her meds. We help her because we want her to take her meds….If you don't take your meds, you will die.” Friends and family members taking responsibility for someone's well-being were sensitive to the fact that adherence meant “doing well,” and “doing well” made their job easier. They insisted on adherence as a gesture aimed at reducing what one treatment partner termed the “work” of care. He explained this way: “If he [patient] continues well, the work of caring for him will be over. If he continues well, I can visit him at the time I want. But if he is sick, I have to help him so he will be okay and everyone else can continue with their business. That's why I insist, ‘my relative, don't ignore what they instruct you to do. If they tell you to take [ART] in the morning and evening—do it! Don't feel it is difficult work and don't feel tired.'” Making a similar observation, someone else said: “[Before the patient improved] it was difficult. I had to be there all the time. I kept the time for meds in my mind instead of him. I was unable to go anywhere or do anything else before he takes his meds. Now I'm free to do anything at any time without having many thoughts.” Social expectations of adherence create obligations on the part of patients, who must meet these expectations to preserve relationships with helpers. By taking ART as prescribed and “doing well,” patients reduce the burden of help and acknowledge the work of care. This in turn fosters continued good will on the part of helpers and reinforces the likelihood that assistance will be available when future needs arise. In settings of poverty, where “community safety nets” [48] replace public entitlements as resources for weathering economic crises, the consistent good will of potential helpers is required for survival. Discussion Our data point to economic obstacles and the strength of social relationships as principal mediators of sustained adherence in sub-Saharan Africa. These obstacles are being routinely overcome through strategies aimed at prioritizing adherence. Prioritization is accomplished with help from others. The relationships that provide this assistance are a critical resource not only for supporting adherence, but for managing economic hardship more generally. In social science, the use of relationships to obtain benefits and achieve desired ends has been termed “social capital.” In North America, adherence to ART for HIV/AIDS has been interpreted as the product of information, motivation, and behavioral skills operating at the individual level [49]. Such an interpretation depicts the individual as the primary agent of behavior, and de-emphasizes social context. As an analytic construct, social capital has been characterized as a property of individuals and of organizations. It has been used in the U.S. and Europe to examine the dynamics of civic engagement [50], the accomplishment of social action [51], and the production and reproduction of inequalities [52]. The ingredients of social capital (trust, cooperation, reciprocity, sociability) have been well-studied, and care has been taken to distinguish social capital from other forms of capital (e.g., economic, human, symbolic) [53]. Analysts agree on the characterization of social capital as a resource grounded in networks of social relationships. We define it as “resources accruing from a network of relationships that help individuals to solve problems and get things done.” The concept of social capital adds considerable explanatory power to the study of HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa. It explains not only adherence success, but also the threat of stigma. Stigma is feared because it leads to social isolation, undermining relationships that are essential to survival. Avoiding HIV-related stigma can be understood as an effort to conserve social capital, a necessary resource in settings of poverty. Relationships confer responsibility in addition to providing resources. Recipients of help must recognize what they receive and reciprocate. To ignore these responsibilities is to risk resentment on the part of helpers. Adherence allows patients to meet social responsibilities by preventing health decline and reducing the need for support. This creates a positive feedback loop in which social relationships help patients overcome economic barriers to sustained adherence. Adherence in turn fulfills responsibilities to others. Recognizing and fulfilling responsibilities to helpers through adherence strengthens social relationships and ensures more help will be available in the future. Preservation of social capital lies at the heart of our explanation, but we recognize influences in other domains. These include: (1) social structure, e.g., patterns of inequality; (2) infrastructure, e.g. weaknesses in health systems; (3) culture, e.g., values, religious beliefs; and (4) individual experience and behavior, e.g., side effects, lack of information, psychological distress. We offer here a social relational theory to explain adherence differences between resource-rich and resource-poor settings, while acknowledging other kinds of determinants that merit further study. Qualitative analyses contribute to quantitative research in medicine and public health by delineating useful constructs and testable hypotheses. In detailing the explanatory power of social capital, we point to its likely predictive value in examining hypotheses such as: Greater social capital will be associated with better ART access and adherence. Verification of such hypotheses will guide interventions to sustain adherence and improve treatment effectiveness. A question that immediately arises is whether the benefits of social capital are sustainable? How long can patients realistically expect to receive resources from others who are struggling with resource scarcity themselves? Social capital, unlike many other forms of capital, increases with use [54]. However, while it may explain how economic obstacles to adherence have been overcome to date, it leaves the fundamental problem of poverty unaddressed. Caregiver efforts to compensate for the effects of poverty are not a substitute for affordable transportation, plentiful nutritious food, clean water, adequate living situations, and accessible and effective medical care. Eliminating underlying economic obstacles will reduce the strain on relationships and thus help to sustain both social capital and adherence. We are not the first to address the social dimensions of adherence to ART in the context of international scale-up. A call for a biosocial framing laid out general principles of a socially grounded analysis and proposed relevant analytic concepts—social capital among them [55]. The importance of explaining adherence success in sub-Saharan Africa was stated specifically in a more recent account, which offered an anthropological history of treatment access and introduced “therapeutic citizenship” as an explanatory construct [56]. We propose an alternative construct emphasizing interpersonal relations, and add supporting data. There are several limitations to our findings. First, African societies are highly heterogeneous. We collected data in urban and rural settings in East and West Africa. However, the extent to which these concepts explain adherence behavior in other African contexts will be an important area of future study. Second, we have developed a social explanation but left other domains of influence unexplored. As we develop theoretical models of adherence for resource-scarce locations, these types of influences should be more comprehensively represented. Third, while ART scale-up has been highly successful, the dynamics of adherence will likely evolve as patients confront long-term treatment. Finally, we draw upon social capital as an explanatory construct, but stop short of elaborating underlying cross-cultural differences in definitions of personhood [57]. Conclusion Like persons living with HIV/AIDS all over the world, sub-Saharan Africans adhere to ART because they want to be healthy. But the desire for health alone does not adequately explain adherence success. A more complete explanation highlights the role of social capital in relationships as a resource for prioritizing adherence and overcoming economic obstacles to care. Adherence preserves social capital by protecting relationships required for survival in settings of poverty. This may be what patients are referring to when they tell us they have “no choice” but to adhere.
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              The Association of Stigma with Self-Reported Access to Medical Care and Antiretroviral Therapy Adherence in Persons Living with HIV/AIDS

              Background The stigma of HIV-infection may profoundly affect the lives of persons living with HIV/AIDS (PLHA). However few studies have examined the association of HIV stigma with multiple components of HIV treatment and care. Objectives To estimate the association between HIV stigma and: self-reported access to care, regular source of HIV care, and antiretroviral therapy adherence; and to test whether mental health mediates these associations. Design Cross-sectional study. Participants 202 PLHA living in Los Angeles County in 2007. Measurements Participants completed an anonymous survey, assessing internalized HIV stigma (28-items, alpha = 0.93), self-reported access to medical care (six items, alpha = 0.75), regular source of HIV care, and antiretroviral therapy (ART) adherence. Results One-third of participants reported high levels of stigma; 77% reported poor access to care; 42.5% reported suboptimal ART adherence; and 10.5% reported no regular source of HIV care. In unadjusted analysis, those reporting a high level of stigma were more likely to report poor access to care (OR = 4.97, 95% CI 2.54–9.72), regular source of HIV care (OR = 2.48, 95% CI 1.00–6.19), and ART adherence (OR = 2.45, 95% CI 1.23–4.91). In adjusted analyses, stigma was significantly associated with poor access to care (OR = 4.42, 95% CI 1.88–10.37), but not regular source of HIV care or ART adherence. Mental health mediated the relationship between stigma and ART adherence, but not poor access to care or regular source of HIV care. Conclusions The association of stigma with self-reported access to care and adherence suggests that efforts to improve these components of HIV care will require a better understanding of the possible effects of stigma and it′s mediators.
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                Author and article information

                Contributors
                Journal
                BMC Health Serv Res
                BMC Health Serv Res
                BMC Health Services Research
                BioMed Central
                1472-6963
                2013
                28 May 2013
                : 13
                : 198
                Affiliations
                [1 ]Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, Swiss Tropical and Public Health Institute, Basel, Switzerland
                [2 ]University of Basel, Basel, Switzerland
                [3 ]Sophie Davis School of Biomedical Education, City University of New York, New York, USA
                [4 ]International evaluation consultant, Particip GmBH, Freiburg, Germany
                [5 ]Department of Population Studies, University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia
                Article
                1472-6963-13-198
                10.1186/1472-6963-13-198
                3679910
                23714167
                2cda89e7-cfb9-4366-848d-1f1cb19fa456
                Copyright © 2013 Gari et al.; licensee BioMed Central Ltd.

                This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

                History
                : 1 October 2012
                : 22 May 2013
                Categories
                Research Article

                Health & Social care
                socio-cultural barriers,access,adherence,hiv/aids,antiretroviral therapy,survey study,systematic review

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