Background
Systemic racism in Canada’s healthcare system continues to contribute to sexual and
reproductive health and rights (SRHR) inequities for Indigenous, Black, and womxn
of colour. We continue our series on Reproductive Justice (RJ) in Reproductive Health,
by highlighting the issue of systemic racism in the context of Canadian SRHR healthcare
provision and patient care. In this commentary, we broadly discuss the macro policy
and meso organizational structures that contribute to SRHR inequities among racialized
individuals and communities. In “Structural Racism, Institutional Agency, and Disrespect”,
as argued by Pierce [1], to fully comprehend systematic racism, we must observe the
power dynamic, and this “must be understood in terms of injustice rather than disrespect”.
This “involves giving a fuller account of how institutions are related to the beliefs,
actions, and intentions of individuals, and how they can come to embody a certain
kind of agency” [1]. This helps us understand racism from a macro perspective, which
can then be followed by an analysis at the institutional and individual levels.
These structures, rooted in colonial practices and racial oppression, include Federal
and Provincial/Territorial policies that set the stage for educational systems (i.e., admission
processes, training, and licensing of health care professionals) and healthcare systems
that perpetuate racism experienced by Indigenous, Black and people of colour (IBPOC)
at point of care. By design, these macro level structures facilitate opportunities
for the dominant group, thereby reinforcing white privilege throughout meso level institutions
and organizations. At the individual level, we provide examples of the lived experiences
of racialized groups in Canada who face racism daily within the healthcare system,
leading to worse SRHR health outcomes compared to their white counterparts [2]. Once
again, we call for policies and programs designed with a Reproductive Justice lens
in Canada; we need to dismantle current oppressive structures and create systems of
delivery that acknowledge and understand lived SRHR experiences of IBPOC communities
[3].
Acknowledging history of colonialism and slavery: how social systems and power structures
lead to IBPOC health inequities
In her beautifully written seminal piece, Dr. Camara Jones [4] provides a clear theoretical
framework outlining key levels of racism to explain race-associated health disparities
in the United States. Dr. Jones explains institutionalized racism as the “differential
access to goods, services, and opportunities of society by race…[this] includes differential
access to quality education, sound housing, gainful employment, appropriate medical
facilities… differential access to information (including one’s own history), resources
[wealth, organizational infrastructure], voice [voting rights, representation of government,
control of media]” [4]. Disparities in socioeconomic status between races in the U.S.
originate from a history of injustice, perpetuated by “contemporary structural factors”
[4]. In Canada, the stories and history of our Indigenous peoples, Black communities,
and other racialized groups, echo those of the United States.
The historical accounts of colonization and government assimilation of Indigenous
Peoples into Western Society have been documented and continue to surface. Colonization
lead to Indigenous peoples’ losing their cultural practices, language, traditional
medicines and ways of knowing and being [5]. With assimilation—the process by which
Indigenous peoples were forced into the prevailing Eurocentric culture—health inequities
grew while traditional healing practices were forcibly replaced by “patriarchal healthcare
systems” [5]. The impact on health of Indigenous peoples has been atrocious, leading
to conditions and diseases that had not been there prior to colonization—examples
include tuberculosis, alcoholism, diabetes, mental health issues, cardiovascular diseases,
cancer, violence, obesity [5]. The country has only recently acknowledged its history
with Indigenous people as it grapples with the Truth and Reconciliation movement towards
a renewed nation-to-nation relationship [6].
Before the Underground Railroad that helped enslaved Black people in the U.S. escape
north, Canada had a long history of slavery that barely exists in history books or
in Canadian classrooms. Marcel Trudel documented slavery in Canada during the French
regime (1629) that continued until the abolition of slavery by the British (1834)
[7]. Trudel catalogued over 4000 Aboriginal and Black slaves exploited between the
seventeenth and nineteenth century [7]. Western colonization and slavery contributed
to the expansion of the concept of race. Racialization propelled the ascription and
prescription of a number of traits that contributed to the exploitation and domination
of certain racial groups [8]. In conjunction, an increase in violence was justified
and reinforced by a racist penal system [9]. Denying this history maintains the status
quo. Accordingly, resulting cultural stereotypes and economic oppression continue
to perpetuate the social construct of race [10]. Oppression is influenced and maintained
by material relations and shaped by capitalism and economic exploitation. This dialectical
relationship is at the heart of a capitalist society, where material and economic
structures of a given society contribute to the rise of ideas and ideologies used
to justify and legitimize racism.
Founding director of the Institute of the Study of Canadian Slavery—Dr. Charmaine
Nelson—discussed the need for knowledge of our complex and difficult history, “in
those places where they’ve been doing this work for decades [US], they’re studying
mortality rates…experiences of fertility and maternity of enslaved females” [11].
In Canada, we must acknowledge that the structural basis of these power and socioeconomic
differences between races are rooted in a history of slavery and oppression, perpetuating
injustices, and leading to health inequities of racialized groups. We can then educate
to inform policies, programs, and interventions that dismantle institutionalized racism.
Many disciplines, including social epidemiology, sociology, and political sociology,
have generated theoretical and sociological perspectives illustrating race as a system
of categorization. A system where “differential relations between people and their
institutions…would raise or lower the odds of different turning points [i.e., access
to healthcare, education, employment] and of different elements of the population
depending on physical properties of the elements themselves [Black, Indigenous, white,
gender]” [12]. Furthermore, race and racism are ‘‘inextricably linked’’ [13]. That
is, racism determines the social treatments received by various racial groups. It
is a means of justifying treatment exhibited by social institutions for incarceration,
education, healthcare, and employment. As Bonilla-Silva [14] discussed, this division
generates superiority and validates white Europeans’ dominance over racialized groups.
Michael Omi and Howard Winant [15] systematically examined race as a socially constructed
identity, highlighting how racial categories are determined by social, economic, and
political forces. How does this translate for us in Canada at the macro level of organization
and how does it affect SRHR outcomes for racialized communities?
Canada’s Federal and Provincial/Territorial institutions responsible for making decisions
regarding provision of healthcare to society—(i.e., healthcare system organization,
funding and associated priorities, education of healthcare professionals providing
care, hiring practices) are based on the British colonial system. The lenses through
which decisions are made at the policy level (i.e., institutionalized) are guided
by the dominant Eurocentric perspective, thus, those who are not in the dominant group
tend to be negatively impacted in terms of access to opportunities. This, in turn,
generates an unequal distribution of socioeconomic success and better health outcomes
among white communities compared to Indigenous, Black or people of colour. Additionally,
there are large complex forces at play—capitalism, globalization, medicalization,
neoliberalism—contributing to systemic oppression of racialized communities and leading
to poorer overall health [16]. In Canada, healthcare is a fundamental right with legislated
principles of public administration, comprehensiveness, universality, portability
and accessibility [17]. However, it is not immune to systemic racism, thus, creating
divergent realities of “equity” that do not uphold the principles of the Canada Health
Act for many of the racialized segments of society. As noted by Zachariah [18], “universality
is constructed around notions of whiteness and has to be considered in the context
of how this leads to health disparities and denial of equal access...unequal access
outcomes and health disparities are a social-economic and social-psychological manifestation
of racism as a social determinant of health”. This is particularly true for Indigenous,
Black and womxn of colour who have experienced disparities in health outcomes compared
to their white counterparts [19–21].
Institutionalized racism has normalized practices, laws and customs that inherently
disadvantage less dominant groups. For example, many health care professions in Canada
providing patient care are self-regulated (i.e., medicine, nursing, midwifery, rehabilitation),
that is, the profession governs itself, outlining necessary competency, licensing
and disciplinary regulations, with the primary purpose of providing care and protecting
the public from harm [22]. However, there is a lack of racialized voices in leadership
positions in regulatory and professional healthcare administrative organizations,
perpetuating inaction and resulting in harmful health outcomes for IBPOC communities,
including those who work in the healthcare system. Unconscious and conscious biases
are pervasive in healthcare and educational systems. These unintentional, or intentional,
cognitive biases, when unchecked, perpetuate inequities that manifest beyond patient-clinician
relationships and health, into practices such as hiring and promotion [23], thus impacting
opportunities for IBPOC to be part of the self-regulating administration, and maintaining
the status quo. As we will discuss later, these dynamics influence individual outcomes
(i.e., health, education, employment, opportunities for advancement) through the organizations
and institutions responsible for delivering point of care services (i.e., hospitals,
clinics) and educating health professionals (i.e., colleges and universities). It
is therefore necessary to examine past and current debates on race and racism within
a scientific and juridical framework to develop social equality policies and mutually
constitutive processes.
Adopting “a reproductive justice lens helps us explore our history by revealing the
impacts that government strategies have on the lives of individuals and communities
over time” [3]. Furthermore, it helps explain people’s individual reproductive capacity
that result from intersecting factors—“class, race, gender, sexuality, status of their
health, and access to health care.” [3]- and inform appropriate, culturally relevant
SRHR health care to IBPOC communities. The Canadian Race Relations Foundation Panel
on racism as a social determinant of health, encouraged the “creation and promotion
of Canadian narratives which bring to light the Canadian story of race and health”
[18]. As Elizabeth McGibbon [15] outlines in Oppression: A social determinant of health,
politicizing health creates links between systemic power structures and health, affecting
health across the lifespan. Understanding and recognizing the social determinants
of health is crucial and aligns with a reproductive justice framework for SRHR. Additionally, as
Ross and Solinger [3] state in Reproductive Justice: An Introduction, “reproductive
safety and dignity depended on having the resources to get good medical care and decent
housing, to have a job that paid a living wage, to live without police harassment,
to live free of racism in a physically healthy environment—all of these (and other)
conditions of life were fundamental conditions for reproductive dignity and safety—reproductive
justice—along with legal contraception and abortion” [3].
Systemic racism in educational and healthcare institutions
French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu discussed the concept of cultural powers and race.
Bourdieu outlined how systems of law, education, and employment can constitute a racist
regime designed to uphold white supremacy and subjugate people of colour [24]. Representations
of a particular race or ethnicity are based on forms of knowledge that risk giving
an erroneous orientation to the knowledge produced and passed down (i.e., to and by
health professionals). In this section, we focus on two key systems involved in SRHR
care provision—healthcare (i.e., hospitals, clinics) and institutions involved in
educating, training, and regulating health professionals (i.e., universities, colleges,
health professional and regulatory bodies). We discuss how IPBOC, and other marginalized
populations face a myriad of barriers and racisms when entering healthcare professions,
when they become successful, and throughout their careers. This contributes to a lack
of diversity and inclusion among health care providers in Canada, reducing culturally
competent, culturally safe, and informed care, which in turn, contributes to IBPOC
health inequities, particularly in SRHR.
Race-based data in Canada is limited, therefore, we only have anecdotal, fragmented,
and sparse statistics to illustrate the lack of diversity in race and gender among
healthcare professionals, their educators, and regulators. For instance, based on
a crude analysis of websites, leadership in the schools of medicine which train doctors
across Canada is predominantly white (90%), about 1/3rd female, and a 1/10th racialized
[25]. A recent Canadian study called for “making medical leadership more diverse”
[26]. In nursing, a profession that is largely female, leadership at the professional
and regulatory organizations continues to be predominantly white, and men tend to
sit at the top of the hierarchical decision-making chain [27]. Similarly, medical
professional associations and regulatory authorities lack diversity with little to
no representation in leadership by Indigenous, Black or people of colour [28]. With
the lack of diversity in healthcare leadership and providers, how can the system of
frameworks, funded research, competencies, and awards reflect the needs or lived experiences
of IBPOC healthcare students and professionals? If the system is designed by a dominant
group, it reflects the dominant group’s way of framing healthcare, education within
healthcare and the profession. This leads to continued systemic inequities that reduce
opportunities for members of racialized communities to enter the healthcare profession
and provide care to their communities. Even if they succeed to enter the health professions,
epistemic racism discredits their knowledge and constraints their ability to influence
the healthcare decisions especially in the context of racialized communities [29].
A faculty member’s position and subjectivism contribute to the discourse of racial
identities, and when predominantly held by white faculty, promotes a discursive construction
of knowledge based on colonial power. These influence and reproduce the social representation
of racial stereotypes in the knowledge developed and taught at post-secondary institutions.
Faculties are not racialized and the colonial lens disregards contributions to SRHR
curriculum from IBPOC pioneers, whereby research and education presented to future
SRHR practitioners is based on white healthcare providers and patients. Increasing
the diversity of faculties will help reduce racist knowledge and incorporate lived
experiences of IBPOC.
Wildman and Davis [30] argued that “to call someone racist ignores the system of domination
that the person is made part of, treating it as his or her sole responsibility, as
a result leaving the real culprit untouched”. We should, then, call all levels of
racism out to illuminate the important interconnections across micro, meso and macro
levels that solidify the all-encompassing nature of racism we see IBPOC communities,
health professionals and academics face daily. It is important to emphasize how racist
actions at the individual or interpersonal level are critically interwoven with structural
and systemic racism—the collective-emotional aspects of ‘racial orders’ [31]. Structural
racism operates through the interpersonal, not outside of it; structural racism shapes
the spaces of everyday racism and is itself also an outcome of cumulative patterns
of everyday racism [32]. Fundamentally, the privileged social capital of the racial
category of whiteness, is based on exploitation and oppression, which generates unequal
economic and social conditions for racialized communities.
Unfortunately, in Canada, IBPOC have significantly higher rates of unemployment, lower
income, and lower rates of post-secondary education [33, 34] compared to their white
counterparts. Therefore, IBPOC communities face several barriers to entering post-secondary
systems and healthcare professions because of intersecting oppressions. Existing conditions
reduce likelihood of opportunities to succeed in those arenas. For example, in Canada,
medical students are more likely to come from high-income households and have highly
educated parents who are in professions or high-level managerial positions than the
general Canadian population [35]. In terms of ethnicity as self-identified by respondents,
majority tend to be white (73%) with a much lower number of Black (2%) and Indigenous
(3.5%) students [35]. To enter training in health professions requires excellent marks
in secondary and/or subsequent undergraduate tenure, scholarships, awards and volunteer
or other opportunities (i.e., research). The system, thus, sustains privilege where
students who can afford to concentrate on their studies (i.e., parents assist in finances)
as they are more likely to belong to dominant power groups and know how to maneuver
within the structures they dominate. This creates advantageous social capital where
family networks are leveraged, providing opportunities (i.e., volunteer/ work in a
laboratory in the summer) to enter, advance and succeed within health professions
(i.e., application, scholarships, awards). As we discussed in some detail in our second
article, IBPOC students face racism as well as wealth, education and social capital
disparities, impacting their educational experience and creating barriers to their
academic and professional success [36, 37]. In the current state, and with a lack
of diverse faculty and “lip services” around equity policies that are clearly failing
in higher education institutions [38], academic and training systems are perpetuating
white privilege in education and, subsequently, healthcare professions.
Several Canadian Universities in the early 1900s banned or placed restrictions on
admissions of Black medical students based on Canadian and American medical school
ratings published in the American Medical Association report, [39]. The Flexner Report
(1910) suggested Black medical students are better off studying basic hygiene practices
than medicine, and for close to 50 years, Black students were banned from Canadian
and American medical schools. Unfortunately, the nursing profession was not immune
to racial segregation where Black, mostly womxn, were not permitted to attend nursing
programs in Canada and told to go to the US until the 1940s when Canadian universities
were pressured by community organizations [40]. Similarly, Indigenous medical students
report experiencing intentional and unintentional racial micro-aggressions [41]. Once
again, historical examples of oppression of marginalized groups and womxn, perpetuating
a toxic culture in health education and professions.
With an established history of racism experienced by Black medical and nursing students,
the present situation has barely evolved, as many report toxic learning environments
making it difficult to enter and succeed in a health profession. The curriculum continues
to be developed by white scholars, as the mainstream culture, and is based on normative
white research, usually conducted by and with white participants. It is not surprising
that research continues to illustrate the lack of cultural competence in health care
training with negative health outcomes of IBPOC communities. We recognized, more recently,
Canadian universities have begun to work towards changing admissions policies and
curriculums. The University of Toronto accepted 24 Black students in the faculty of
medicine for the graduating class of 2024—the largest in Canadian history, and Queen’s
University is now incorporating the history of the ban into their first-year medical
students curriculum [42].
Unfortunately, even when IBPOC health professionals are successful and enter health
professions, they continue to face racism throughout their careers. They advocate
for their racialized patients who suffer the injustices of systems that deny care
based on discrimination and racism. The “colour blind” claim denies inequities of
structures and systems that historically favour white Canadians and “ignores impacts
of colonization and residential school systems” [43].
As discussed in detail in our article addressing reproductive justice in health research
[36], Canada is hesitant to collect race-based and disaggregated data, thus, we have
difficulty accessing statistics demonstrating inequity in Canadian healthcare services
and education. The lack of data on racialized professors, students, and health professionals
in the health sciences in Canada makes it difficult to demonstrate the lack of diversity
in key policy decision-making positions. For example, any policy level decisions made
regarding womxn’s sexual and reproductive health approaches in a clinical space are
made at a Federal and/or Provincial/Territorial levels where it is estimated less
than 1/4th of Federal ministers of health have been womxn. Of those, only one was
First Nations and one a visible minority. Similarly in Ontario, the most populous
and diverse province in Canada, 1/5th of health ministers were womxn and none who
were visible minorities [44]. This leaves racialized communities, particularly womxn,
with no voice in the SRHR decision making space. A key aim of the Reproductive Justice
movement is to encourage womxn and girls to be “active agents of change…creating opportunities
for new leaders to emerge within communities” [45, 46] to participate and advocate
for appropriate health and patient care by their IBPOC communities.
SRHR patient care for IBPOC communities in Canada—we are failing our users and providers
To understand IBPOC sexual and reproductive health experience and outcomes, we must
examine intersecting factors arising from oppressive colonial policies and institutional structures.
Reproductive Justice outlines “how all people experience their reproductive capacity
according to multiple intersecting factors including class, race, gender, sexuality,
status of their health, and access to health care” [3]. Similarly, Black Mamas Matter
Alliance highlight that we must provide care that matches the needs of IBPOC womxn
by considering the “intersecting oppressions that cause trauma and impact [IBPOC reproductive]
health at various levels” [47]. Canadian scholar, Elizabeth McGibbon [15], reinforces
how intersectionality and existing systemic power structures link racism to social
determinants of health and “create and reproduce [intergenerational] poor health”
for IBPOC communities. Even with established literature on negative SRHR experiences
and outcomes of IBPOC womxn, systemic racism is pervasive in healthcare institutions.
Awareness is lacking, discrimination abound, and implicit biases ongoing among healthcare
providers, as IBPOC womxn continue to face morbid SRHR inequities [19, 48–50].
Implicit biases “explain a potential dissociation between what a person explicitly
believes and wants to do (e.g. a health professional wanting to treat everyone equally)
and the hidden influence of negative implicit [unconscious, uncontrollable] associations
on [his/her/their] thoughts and actions” [51]. For example, a doctor perceiving a
patient belonging to a particular racial group as drug-seeking or predisposed to becoming
an addict when they complain of pain [43]. Racial implicit biases among healthcare
professionals continue to disenfranchise vulnerable patients. In a recent Canadian
study, Mahabir et al. [1] identified experiences of everyday racism by racialized
health care users [2]. They discussed five clusters outlining racial and class discrimination,
feeling dehumanized as a patient, issues of negligent communication, professional
misconduct and unequal access to healthcare services [2]. Black Canadian womxn have
gone undiagnosed, subject to racist and negative treatment, left out of discussions
about their own reproductive health and their concerns dismissed by healthcare providers
[48]. In a recent investigation in the B.C. healthcare system, 84% of Indigenous people
reported experiencing discrimination in the healthcare system and less likely to seek
medical treatment [52], increasing their chance of negative health outcomes. The death
of Joyce Echaquan is a staggering example of medical racism that lead to a preventable
death [53]. Ms. Echaquan died of a pulmonary edema after being mocked and insulted
by medical staff because she was Indigenous, failing to properly medically assess
the Atikamekw mother of seven in September 2020 [53]. Much of the work to date on
the differential response of underrepresented groups is concentrated on chronic diseases
(i.e., cardiovascular disease, asthma, cystic fibrosis, diabetes) and medical treatments,
with little recognition of institutionalize racism and its impact on health outcomes,
and even less consideration of SRHR of womxn in Canada.
A complicated relationship exists between Black womxn and the healthcare system—stemming
from a history of racism and medical experimentation on Black people—and leading to
mistrust and resultant negative experiences that contribute to their poor SHRH outcomes
[54, 55]. In terms of SRHR, examples include, not being listened to during pregnancy
and birthing, not appropriately screened for cervical or breast cancer, as well as
being mis-or undiagnosed for reproductive health conditions (i.e. fibroids) [19, 49].
Similarly, Indigenous womxn in Canada have experienced, and continue to experience,
reproductive injustice and unmet needs in terms of their SRHR; examples include sterilization
(i.e. coercion into long-term use of contraceptives, tubal-ligations, abortions) as
well as Canada’s forced birth travel experienced by Indigenous womxn living in rural
and remote areas [50, 56]. We must also consider the ‘reproductive injustice’ of federally
incarcerated womxn. At present, SRHR of federally incarcerated womxn in Canada—42%
of whom are indigenous, many of whom have young children and are of reproductive age
[57]—can be characterized as unconstitutional. Necessary health services are either
unavailable (screening for breast, cervical uterine cancers even though at higher-risk)
and treatment is dismal [57]. Over-incarceration, separation from children and lack
of autonomy regarding SRHR decisions, reinforces intergenerational trauma and perpetuates
the existing health and social inequities faced by Indigenous communities.
We need “anti-racist policies that move beyond cultural competence policies [taught
in mandatory workshops that fall on deaf ears] and towards addressing the centrality
of unequal power social relations and everyday racism in the health care system” [2].
A Reproductive Justice lens allows us to look at our histories which call “attention
over and over to the vulnerabilities of people without institutionalized power…[who]
lost their fertility to coercive, race-based sterilization programs” among other atrocities
[3]; this cannot continue to happen to our racialized womxn in Canada.
Adopting a reproductive justice framework in patient care
Reproductive Justice presents clinical health professionals with the appropriate framework
to “connect family planning and other aspects of sexual and reproductive health with
the disparities and complexities” that impact IBPOC womxn in Canada [58]. The framework,
initiated by womxn of colour, draws on the history of slavery, civil rights, coercion
regarding sterilization and contraception [58, 59]. Now the framework is used by indigenous
womxn, womxn of colour and trans people to fight for reproductive social justice that
considers power systems, intersecting oppressions, and ensure most marginalized people
access resources [46]. Health care professionals must recognize that health disparities
suffered by Indigenous populations in Canada are “linked to the socioeconomic marginalization
of indigenous communities” stemming from a history of colonization [60]. Allan and
Smylie [54] emphasize the fundamental role “colonization, racism, social exclusion
and the lack of self-determination” play in the staggering disparities between Indigenous
and non-indigenous people’s health [61]. Healthcare providers must understand how
colonization resulted in the current health status of Indigenous peoples across Canada
[62]. Knowing and acknowledging our history allows us to reveal the impacts of government
strategies on the lives of racialized individuals and communities over time [3].
The current pandemic only highlighted existing health inequities faced by IBPOC communities
and their concern regarding the health system. Trust in the Canadian healthcare system
must be built through informed health care providers, culturally appropriate healthcare delivery,
and prioritized programs that address socioeconomic determinants affecting sexual
and reproductive health and rights. Knowledge of a history rooted in slavery for Black
womxn, colonialism of Indigenous womxn and continued racism for IBPOC womxn, and intersections
with the social determinants of health, play a key role in understanding the inequities
that lead to poor SHRH outcomes. Especially important for the success of future reproductive
health studies is increasing the number of Indigenous, Black, and racialized midwives,
nurses, physicians, and researchers who understand the potential health impacts of
systemic racism on individual and population level health outcomes. They can champion
change within and across the healthcare system to ensure equitable SHRH for IBPOC
communities.