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      Populist radical right parties and discursive opportunities during Covid-19. Blame attribution in times of crisis Translated title: Rechtspopulistische Parteien und diskursive Möglichkeiten während Covid-19. Populistische Schuldzuweisungen in Zeiten der Krise


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          This study examines how populist radical right parties (PRRP) adapt to the discursive opportunities delivered by the Covid-19 pandemic. Conducting manual content analyses of discourses on Twitter in six Western European countries between February and October 2020 we show that PRRP frame the pandemic as a domestic political crisis attacking primarily national political elites. While PRRP occasionally link their initial support for measures against the pandemic to blame attribution towards immigrants accusing them of spreading the virus, nativist messages almost disappear when PRRP became less supportive of restrictions. Instead, in countries less affected by the pandemic (Austria, Germany) as well as in Spain, PRRP compensate the lack of nativist messages by using anti-elitist demonizing discourses against the national government accusing it of abolishing democracy and undermining freedom. The study shows how PRRP electorally “survive” periods with scarce nativist discursive opportunities by emphasizing on anti-elitist discourses.

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          The online version of this article (10.1007/s12286-022-00540-w) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

          Translated abstract

          Diese Arbeit untersucht, wie rechtspopulistische Parteien (PRRP) sich an die diskursiven Gelegenheiten während der Covid-19-Pandemie anpassen. Inhaltsanalysen von Twitter-Diskursen in sechs westeuropäischen Ländern zwischen Februar und Oktober 2020 zeigen, dass PRRP die Pandemie als innerpolitische Krise kommunizieren, die von nationalen politischen Eliten verursacht wurde. Während PRRP ihre anfängliche Unterstützung für Maßnahmen gegen die Pandemie gelegentlich mit Schuldzuweisungen an Migrant:Innen verknüpfen, denen vorgeworfen wird Treiber der Pandemie zu sein, verlieren nativistische Botschaften an Relevanz sobald PRRP die Maßnahmen nicht mehr aktiv unterstützen. In Spanien und in Ländern die weniger von der Pandemie betroffen waren (Österreich, Deutschland), kompensieren PRRP das Fehlen nativistischer Botschaften mit anti-elitären, dämonisierenden Diskursen gegen die nationale Regierung, die sie der Abschaffung der Demokratie beschuldigen. Der Artikel zeigt, wie PRRP durch die Betonung populistischer anti-elitärer Diskurse, Perioden mit geringen nativistischen diskursiven Gelegenheiten elektoral „überleben“ können.

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              The novel coronavirus (COVID-2019) outbreak: Amplification of public health consequences by media exposure.

              The 2019 novel coronavirus (COVID-2019) has led to a serious outbreak of often severe respiratory disease, which originated in China and has quickly become a global pandemic, with far-reaching consequences that are unprecedented in the modern era. As public health officials seek to contain the virus and mitigate the deleterious effects on worldwide population health, a related threat has emerged: global media exposure to the crisis. We review research suggesting that repeated media exposure to community crisis can lead to increased anxiety, heightened stress responses that can lead to downstream effects on health, and misplaced health-protective and help-seeking behaviors that can overburden health care facilities and tax available resources. We draw from work on previous public health crises (i.e., Ebola and H1N1 outbreaks) and other collective trauma (e.g., terrorist attacks) where media coverage of events had unintended consequences for those at relatively low risk for direct exposure, leading to potentially severe public health repercussions. We conclude with recommendations for individuals, researchers, and public health officials with respect to receiving and providing effective communications during a public health crisis. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

                Author and article information

                Jakob.schwoerer@leuphana.de , https://jakobschwoerer.weebly.com/
                Z Vgl Polit Wiss
                Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft
                Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden (Wiesbaden )
                21 November 2022
                21 November 2022
                : 1-26
                [1 ]GRID grid.10211.33, ISNI 0000 0000 9130 6144, Institute for Political Science, , Leuphana University, ; Lüneburg, Germany
                [2 ]GRID grid.10215.37, ISNI 0000 0001 2298 7828, Department of Political Science, Public International Law and Procedural Law, Faculty of Law, , University of Málaga, ; Málaga, Spain
                Author information
                © The Author(s) 2022

                Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

                : 7 January 2022
                : 4 August 2022
                : 7 October 2022
                Funded by: Leuphana Universität Lüneburg (3117)

                covid-19,radical right,populism,nativism,content analysis,social media,radikale rechte,populismus,nativismus,inhaltsanalyse,soziale medien


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