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Abstract
In a study using event-related brain potentials, we show that the current characterization
of the P600 component as an indicator of revision processes (reanalysis and repair)
in sentence comprehension must be extended to include the recognition of syntactic
ambiguity. By comparing the processing of ambiguous and unambiguous sentence constituents
in German, we show that the P600 is elicited when our language processing system has
syntactic alternatives at a certain item given in the input string. That the P600
is sensitive to syntactic ambiguity adds crucial evidence to current debates in psycholinguistic
modelling, as the results clearly favour parallel models of syntactic processing which
assume that ambiguity is recognized and costly.