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      ‘The Returned Pilgrim’: Nancy Astor and Plymouth

      Open Library of Humanities
      Open Library of the Humanities

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          Abstract

          This article focuses on the evolution of Nancy Astor’s political persona, dating it back to 1908 when she first visited Plymouth when her husband Waldorf Astor was being considered as the junior Unionist candidate for the borough. It reveals how, by 1919 when she was elected, she had already formed the political ideas and identified the key campaigning issues that she would pursue between 1919 and 1945, as a result of her experiences at Plymouth. It argues that Plymouth is a key factor to understanding Nancy Astor’s political identity and expressions of her view, and that the foundation created for these between 1908 and 1919 continued to support her further political development after her election for Plymouth Sutton in 1919. The article thus gives insights into an aspect of Nancy Astor’s development as ‘an unconventional MP’ which has hitherto remained largely unfamiliar to those with an interest in her career and work. It reveals a sustained consistency of engagement with a range of issues relating primarily to women’s and children’s concerns (education, welfare, health, support for employment and training, as well as temperance and promotion of women’s political participation) that were shaped by her involvement with these issues in the microcosm provided by Plymouth.

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          Most cited references41

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          A PLACE TO CALL HOME: Identification With Dwelling, Community, and Region

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            The psychology of social class: How socioeconomic status impacts thought, feelings, and behaviour

            Drawing on recent research on the psychology of social class, I argue that the material conditions in which people grow up and live have a lasting impact on their personal and social identities and that this influences both the way they think and feel about their social environment and key aspects of their social behaviour. Relative to middle‐class counterparts, lower/working‐class individuals are less likely to define themselves in terms of their socioeconomic status and are more likely to have interdependent self‐concepts; they are also more inclined to explain social events in situational terms, as a result of having a lower sense of personal control. Working‐class people score higher on measures of empathy and are more likely to help others in distress. The widely held view that working‐class individuals are more prejudiced towards immigrants and ethnic minorities is shown to be a function of economic threat, in that highly educated people also express prejudice towards these groups when the latter are described as highly educated and therefore pose an economic threat. The fact that middle‐class norms of independence prevail in universities and prestigious workplaces makes working‐class people less likely to apply for positions in such institutions, less likely to be selected and less likely to stay if selected. In other words, social class differences in identity, cognition, feelings, and behaviour make it less likely that working‐class individuals can benefit from educational and occupational opportunities to improve their material circumstances. This means that redistributive policies are needed to break the cycle of deprivation that limits opportunities and threatens social cohesion.
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              Space and place: The perspective of experience

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                Author and article information

                Journal
                Open Library of Humanities
                Open Library of the Humanities
                2056-6700
                February 26 2021
                February 26 2021
                2021
                February 26 2021
                February 26 2021
                2021
                : 7
                : 1
                Article
                10.16995/olh.588
                614cf369-e539-4f67-a65d-79a1a080fae0
                © 2021

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