Responding to the challenges of social health insurance in African countries

Background There is considerable interest at present in exploring the potential of social health insurance to increase access to and affordability of health care in Africa. A number of countries are currently experimenting with different approaches. Ghana's National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) was passed into law in 2003 but fully implemented from late 2005. It has already reached impressive coverage levels. This article aims to provide a preliminary assessment of the NHIS to date. This can inform the development of the NHIS itself but also other innovations in the region. Methods This article is based on analysis of routine data, on secondary literature and on key informant interviews conducted by the authors with stakeholders at national, regional and district levels over the period of 2005 to 2009. Results In relation to its financing sources, the NHIS is heavily reliant on tax funding for 70–75% of its revenue. This has permitted quick expansion of coverage, partly through the inclusion of large exempted population groups. Card holders increased from 7% of the population in 2005 to 45% in 2008. However, only around a third of these are contributing to the scheme financially. This presents a sustainability problem, in that revenue is de-coupled from the growing membership. In addition, the NHIS offers a broad benefits package, with no co-payments and limited gate-keeping, and also faces cost escalation related to its new payment system and the growing utilisation of members. These features contributed to a growth in distressed schemes and failure to pay outstanding facility claims in 2008. The NHIS has had a considerable impact on the health system as a whole, taking on a growing role in funding curative care. In 2009, it is expected to contribute 41% of the overall resource envelope. However there is evidence that this funding is not additional but has been switched from other funding channels. There are some equity concerns about this, as the new funding source (a VAT-based tax) may be more regressive. In addition, membership of the NHIS at present has a pro-rich bias, and a pro-urban bias in relation to renewals. Only a very small proportion is registered as indigent, and there is some evidence of 'squeezing out' of non-members from health care utilisation. Finally, considerable challenges remain in relation to strengthening the purchasing role of the NHIS, and also settling debates about its structure and accountability. Conclusion Some trade-offs will be necessary between the existing wide benefits package of the NHIS and the laudable desire to reach universal coverage. The overall resource envelope for health is likely to be stable rather than increasing over the medium-term. In the longer term, the investment costs in the NHIS will only be justified if it is able to increase the cost-effectiveness of purchasing and the responsiveness of the system as a whole.

The World Health Assembly of 2005 called for all health systems to move towards universal coverage, defined as " access to adequate health care for all at an affordable price" . A crucial aspect in achieving universal coverage is the extent to which there are income and risk cross-subsidies in health systems. Yet this aspect appears to be ignored in many of the policy prescriptions directed at low- and middle-income countries, often resulting in high degrees of health system fragmentation. The aim of this paper is to explore the extent of fragmentation within the health systems of three African countries (Ghana, South Africa and the United Republic of Tanzania). Using a framework for analysing health-care financing in terms of its key functions, we describe how fragmentation has developed, how each country has attempted to address the arising equity challenges and what remains to be done to promote universal coverage. The analysis suggests that South Africa has made the least progress in addressing fragmentation, while Ghana appears to be pursuing a universal coverage policy in a more coherent way. To achieve universal coverage, health systems must reduce their reliance on out-of-pocket payments, maximize the size of risk pools, and resource allocation mechanisms must be put in place to either equalize risks between individual insurance schemes or equitably allocate general tax (and donor) funds. Ultimately, there needs to be greater integration of financing mechanisms to promote universal cover with strong income and risk cross-subsidies in the overall health system.

The public social policy and programme decisions that are made in low-income countries have critical effects on human social and development outcomes. Unfortunately, it would appear that inadequate attention is paid to analysing, understanding and factoring into attempts to reshape or change policy, the complex historical, social, cultural, economic, political, organizational and institutional context; actor interests, experiences, positions and agendas; and policy development processes that influence policy and programme choices. Yet these can be just as critical as the availability of research or other evidence in influencing decision making on policies and their accompanying programmes and the resulting degree of success or failure in achieving the original objectives. Ghana, a low-income developing country in sub-Saharan Africa, embarked on a national policy process of replacing out-of-pocket fees at point of service use with national health insurance in 2001. This paper uses a case study approach to describe and reflect on the complex interactions of context with actors and processes including political power play; and the effects on agenda setting, decision making and policy and programme content. This case study supports observations from the literature that although availability of evidence is critical, major public social policy and programme content can be heavily influenced by factors other than the availability or non-availability of evidence to inform content decision making. In the low-income developing country context there can be imbalances of policy decision-making power related to strong and dominant political actors combined with weak civil society engagement, accountability systems and technical analyst power and position. Efforts at major reform need to consider and address these issues alongside efforts to provide evidence for content decision-making. Without an analysis and understanding of the politics of reform and how to work within it, researchers and other technical actors may find their information to support reform is not applied effectively. Similarly, without an appreciation of the need for critical technical analysis to support decision making rather than an indiscriminate use of political approaches, political actors may find that even with the best of intentions, desired policy objectives may not be attained.