Indicators of Physical Activity Among Children and Youth in 9 Countries With Low to Medium Human Development Indices: A Global Matrix 3.0 Paper

Whether or not the scale of a society's income inequality is a determinant of population health is still regarded as a controversial issue. We decided to review the evidence and see if we could find a consistent interpretation of both the positive and negative findings. We identified 168 analyses in 155 papers reporting research findings on the association between income distribution and population health, and classified them according to how far their findings supported the hypothesis that greater income differences are associated with lower standards of population health. Analyses in which all adjusted associations between greater income equality and higher standards of population health were statistically significant and positive were classified as "wholly supportive"; if none were significant and positive they were classified as "unsupportive"; and if some but not all were significant and supportive they were classified as "partially supportive". Of those classified as either wholly supportive or unsupportive, a large majority (70 per cent) suggest that health is less good in societies where income differences are bigger. There were substantial differences in the proportion of supportive findings according to whether inequality was measured in large or small areas. We suggest that the studies of income inequality are more supportive in large areas because in that context income inequality serves as a measure of the scale of social stratification, or how hierarchical a society is. We suggest three explanations for the unsupportive findings reported by a minority of studies. First, many studies measured inequality in areas too small to reflect the scale of social class differences in a society; second, a number of studies controlled for factors which, rather than being genuine confounders, are likely either to mediate between class and health or to be other reflections of the scale of social stratification; and third, the international relationship was temporarily lost (in all but the youngest age groups) during the decade from the mid-1980s when income differences were widening particularly rapidly in a number of countries. We finish by discussing possible objections to our interpretation of the findings.

Physical inactivity is an important risk factor for chronic diseases, but for many (mainly developing) countries, no prevalence data have ever been published. To present data on the prevalence of physical inactivity for 51 countries and for different age groups and settings across these countries. Data analysis (conducted in 2007) included data from 212,021 adult participants whose questionnaires were culled from 259,526 adult observations from 51 countries participating in the World Health Survey (2002-2003). The validated International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ) was used to assess days and duration of vigorous, moderate, and walking activities during the last 7 days. Country prevalence of physical inactivity ranged from 1.6% (Comoros) to 51.7% (Mauritania) for men and from 3.8% (Comoros) to 71.2% (Mauritania) for women. Physical inactivity was generally high for older age groups and lower in rural as compared to urban areas. Overall, about 15% of men and 20% of women from the 51 countries analyzed here (most of which are developing countries) are at risk for chronic diseases due to physical inactivity. There were substantial variations across countries and settings. The baseline information on the magnitude of the problem of physical inactivity provided by this study can help countries and health policymakers to set up interventions addressing the global chronic disease epidemic.

This study examined the relationships between screen time and symptoms of depression and anxiety in a large community sample of Canadian youth.