INTRODUCTION
Anorexia nervosa has long been the subject of medical and psychiatric debate, yet
it is only relatively recently that English law has been called upon to grapple with
the complexity of this condition. It was not until the early 1990s that we saw English
law’s involvement with anorexia nervosa and questions as to the legitimate powers
of the medical profession regarding involuntary treatment.
1
The most recent Court of Protection decision in An NHS Foundation Trust v Ms X
2
invites critical reflection on the impact that the Mental Capacity Act 2005 (hereafter
the MCA) has had on the legal and medical discourse surrounding cases involving individuals
with anorexia nervosa. This clinically and ethically complex case brings into sharp
focus the tensions pervading the use of the Mental Capacity Act 2005
3
to compel medical treatment in the context of anorexia. It is salient to consider
the case in light of the previous cases involving individuals with anorexia, Re L
4
and Re E,
5
and reflect on what we can discern from the judgment and reasoning going forward.
Keywood, in considering the earlier decisions regarding force-feeding of women and
minors with anorexia nervosa, suggested that English law adopted a ‘crude, biomedical
explanation’ of the condition, and that the application of the (then nascent) threshold
of incapacity was ‘controversial and problematic’.
6
Conversely, one of the central claims that heralded the MCA, and which regularly appears
in discussions of the MCA in academic and policy literature, is the idea that the
legislation is ‘empowering’ for those with disabilities.
7
What impact has the MCA had in relation to patients with anorexia, in terms of framing
and responding to the ethical and medico-legal questions raised in this context, and
does the developing jurisprudence in this context demonstrate an increasingly empowering,
humane, and attentive legal framework? The commentary will consider whether the developments
in the case law post-MCA represent an important turning-point in how the law responds
to patients with anorexia, and ‘best interests’ more generally. This is particularly
salient when considered in light of the increasing attention being paid to the UN
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) and the emphasis on
the will and preferences of the individual as being paramount. An important alternative
interpretation of the case law in this context is further raised, noting the need
to reflect on whether the law is still deferential to medical expert opinion as a
guiding consideration. Increasing attention is being focused on veiled sources of
influence on the development of medical law, and Montgomery, Jones and Biggs have
recently highlighted the hidden law-making in medical jurisprudence.
8
They have drawn attention to the way in which the development of law in ethically
contentious areas such as medical law is subject to diverse and often hidden influences
from sources which are not typically recognized in traditional debates about the separation
of powers and legitimate role of the courts. These observations resonate with the
concerns highlighted in this article and warrant further reflection. As will be discussed,
the question of resources can also be seen to play an important role in this trio
of cases—a role which should not be overlooked if arguments for facilitating rights
for people with cognitive impairments are to be endorsed in the Court of Protection.
THE FACTS OF THE CASES
9
The first case to face the Court of Protection following the MCA, Re E, involved a
32-year old woman with a history of severe anorexia nervosa in addition to alcoholism
and a personality disorder. Described by Jackson J. as ‘an intelligent and articulate
woman’,
10
E had spent a considerable amount of her adult life receiving treatment for anorexia
with little success, and had attempted to make an advance decision refusing treatment.
She had ‘pleaded’ with Dr Glover, the medical expert in the case, not to make her
endure further treatment for her anorexia. The opinion of E’s parents, and her treating
medical team, was that E lacked capacity in relation to nutrition and interventions
such as force-feeding, but that it was not in her best interests to be force-fed.
They placed great emphasis on the long period of time which E had compulsorily been
treated in the past, without success, and argued that she should now be given the
right to ‘choose her own pathway’.
11
All things considered, however, Jackson J declared E lacked mental capacity and that
it was in E’s best interests to receive further treatment for her anorexia nervosa
against her wishes, due in part to the views of the court appointed expert, Dr Tyrone
Glover, that a new, previously untried treatment may be successful.
12
Later that year, in Re L, King J was faced with a 29-year old woman with a long history
of anorexia nervosa who had spent around 90% of her life over the previous 16 years
as an inpatient in various units. At the time of the case, L weighed around three
stone and had a very poor prognosis. Again, it was seen as uncontroversial in the
case that L lacked capacity to make decisions in relation to serious medical treatment,
including in relation to nutrition and hydration. The question arose as to whether
it is in L’s best interests to forcibly re-feed her. L’s family and medical team were
all agreed that invasive force-feeding was not in her best interests, given the length
of time that L had suffered from anorexia nervosa. The medical evidence (provided
by Dr Glover) was that the act of inserting a naso-gastric or PEG tube, and the sedation
to do this, would lead to almost certain death
13
due to her frail physical condition and severely impaired organ function. As such,
it was held that force-feeding was not in L’s best interests and thus that it was
lawful to withhold such treatment.
The most recent case, Ms X, involves a young woman suffering from a complex interaction
of severe anorexia nervosa and alcohol dependence syndrome. Her anorexia has dominated
her life for the previous 14 years and has been compounded by her alcoholism, believed
to be fuelled by harmful childhood experiences. This had resulted in hospital admissions
for acute renal failure and multiple-organ failure which at one point had caused her
to descend into a coma. She had also had over 45 admissions to hospital for her anorexia,
sometimes receiving treatment under the Mental Health Act 1983. In a damaging cycle,
whenever Ms X has been treated as an in-patient at specialist units and has been force-fed
to reverse the effects of her anorexia, she has binged excessively on alcohol upon
discharge, purportedly to blunt her distress.
Typically, the purpose of re-feeding a patient with anorexia is to keep them alive
while talking therapies such as psychotherapy are facilitated to try to treat the
underlying anorexia. This was incredibly difficult in this case, however, as Ms X
had not responded well to talking therapies and had refused to engage in counselling.
She was reported in the evidence of one of the medical experts, Dr Tyrone Glover,
as saying that ‘I don’t like talking about these things. I don’t do talking. I have
never opened up to therapists and I never will. I don’t like it’.
14
This led Dr Glover to conclude that ‘no one can be coerced into psychotherapy and
so this avenue is closed and most likely the time for such treatment has long since
passed’.
15
Against this complex background of comorbidities and repeated unsuccessful admissions
for treatment, the Court of Protection held that Ms X lacked capacity to make decisions
about her treatment in relation to anorexia, and that it would not be in her best
interests to force-fed her against her will.
DISCUSSION
A. Capacity
One of the striking aspects of this trio of cases is the way in which the individual
in each case is consistently found to lack mental capacity under the MCA. In Re E,
Jackson J stated that, in relation to capacity:
… there is strong evidence that E's obsessive fear of weight gain makes her incapable
of weighing the advantages and disadvantages of eating in any meaningful way. For
E, the compulsion to prevent calories entering her system has become the card that
trumps all others. The need not to gain weight overpowers all other thoughts. By way
of example, in August 2011, she was described as smiling and laughing during a conversation,
but when the question of weight gain and the achievement of a BMI of 16 was mentioned,
she began to cry.
16
Similarly, in Re L, King J outlined how L showed ‘inappropriate indifference to matters
of life and death and it seems as if it has not entirely hit home’,
17
and that her profound fear of weight gain prevented her from being able to weigh up
the risks and benefits of medical treatment. Finally, in Ms X, Evidence was given
by Dr A that in relation to her understanding of the issues around her anorexia nervosa:
Ms X is able to understand the information provided and on my assessment of her cognitive
state on the 28th August 2014 she was able to retain and feedback to me the information
provided to her about the same evidencing both retention and understanding. However
due to ongoing severe body dysmorphia, false beliefs about her weight shape and nutritional
state and absolute fear of weight gain from her anorexia, she was and is unable to
apply the information to herself or believe in the need for it. The reality and importance
of the associated risks including death of her malnourished state are therefore not
truly appraised which means she is unable to weigh up the information provided in
the decision making process.
18
Dr A and Dr Glover both agreed that Ms X lacked capacity due to her inability to weigh
the relevant information. Based on these assessments, Cobb J. was untroubled in concluding
that Ms X lacked capacity to make decisions about her eating disorder.
While it could be said that the fact that all three cases involved a finding of incapacity
may simply be due to the facts of each particular case, it is a trend which has pervaded
all of the anorexia cases which have come before the courts, including those prior
to the MCA. Indeed, E’s parents recognized this salient point, saying:
It seems strange to us that the only people who don't seem to have the right to die
when there is no further appropriate treatment available are those with an eating
disorder. This is based on the assumption that they can never have capacity around
any issues connected to food. There is a logic to this, but not from the perspective
of the sufferer who is not extended the same rights as any other person.
19
It appears from these cases that there is essentially an ‘absolute presumption’
20
that an anorexia nervosa patient lacks the capacity to refuse interventions such as
direct feeding for their eating disorder. It seems that in this respect, the post-MCA
case law has shown little by way of development of legal understanding of the complexity
of anorexia and its impact on the abilities of those with the condition. It might
here be argued, as Wang has, that the way in which those with anorexia are in practice
presumed to lack capacity to make decisions about treatment for their eating disorder
demonstrates that the application of the MCA here is incompatible with the UNCRPD
21
(discussed in more detail below). He sees this as a denial of the right to make an
autonomous decision on where the balance lies between the quality and duration of
their life.
22
It is important to reflect further here on the consistent finding of incapacity in
relation to the person with anorexia in light of the way in which the test and threshold
for capacity was developed. While it appears that the test for capacity in the MCA,
stemming as it did from Re C,
23
is a legal construct, its origins belie a more than subtle medical influence. As Keywood
explains, in the case of Re C, the medical expert Dr Nigel Eastman was invited to
give his assessment of the capacity of Mr C. His assessment drew on three factors
which he saw as relevant to assessing capacity in relation to health care decisions,
namely retaining information; believing information; and weighing up that information.
24
Keywood highlights how Thorpe J then ‘borrowed’ these criteria to form the legal threshold
of mental capacity.
25
Reflecting upon this conceptualization of capacity, heavily rooted in clinical thinking,
allows us to see the way in which the courts have struggled to fully grasp the full
complexity of anorexia. Keywood argues that ‘this judicial annexation of a clinical
assessment measure is highly problematic for it conceals the fact that clinical determinations
of patients’ decision-making abilities are given a normative force that they were
never intended to have. Moreover, the manner of this judicial appropriation has meant
that a range of nonclinical issues that impact on people’s decision-making abilities
have been obscured from critical examination by the courts’.
26
Instead, the narrow, biomedical view which can be traced through all of the anorexia
case law has survived the passing of the MCA. Significantly, in this context more
than others, there is an enduring insensitivity to the social and political context
of anorexia, and a persistence of value judgements about the agency of the person
with anorexia.
B. Best Interests
One of the aspects of Ms X which has been most welcomed is the way in which her best
interests were considered. Cobb J. began his discussion of best interests with a nod
towards the law’s granting of the ‘highest (even if not absolute) priority to the
preservation and sanctity of life’,
27
pointing to the way in which this corresponds with common law obligations, Article
2 of the European Convention on Human Rights,
28
s 4(5) of the MCA,
29
and the MCA Code of Practice.
30
Indeed, he stated that Ms X ‘retains an interest in life, and has plans for her future-
including ‘visiting places’, spending time with her beloved grandfather, distance
learning and enjoying music’.
31
Notwithstanding her wishes not to be compelled to receive treatment, she has no wish
to die.
In ascertaining Ms X’s best interests, taking the above into account, Cobb J. framed
the relevant question in light of Aintree University NHS Foundation Trust v James
32
—the first time in which the Supreme Court had applied the MCA—in which Lady Hale
stated:
… the focus is on whether it is in the patient’s best interests to give the treatment,
rather than on whether it is in his best interests to withhold or withdraw it. If
the treatment is not in his best interests, the court will not be able to give its
consent on his behalf and it will follow that it will be lawful to withhold or withdraw
it. Indeed, it will follow that it will not be lawful to give it.
33
Furthermore, Lady Hale emphasized the way in which an appraisal of best interests
in a given case should be undertaken. In an important passage, she stated that:
[I]n considering the best interests of this particular patient and at this particular
time, decision-makers must look at his welfare in the widest sense, not just medical
but social and psychological; they must consider the nature of the medical treatment
in question, what it involves and its prospects of success; they must consider what
the outcome of that treatment for the patient is likely to be; they must try and put
themselves in the place of the individual patient and ask what his attitude to the
treatment is or would be likely to be.
34
Applying this to Ms X and the issue of re-feeding, Cobb J. was mindful of the fact
that this would impose a considerable restriction on her liberty and reduce her quality
of life considerably by removing her from close friends and family.
35
Moreover, evidence from Ms X’s records suggest a high probability of suicide attempts
or other self-harming behaviours
36
if she were to be forcibly re-fed, particularly given that recourse to relief through
alcohol use would be cut off. The distress and trauma associated with the insertion
of the naso-gastric tube and restraint involved in this process, and the potential
complications involved in this due to the presence of varicose veins in Ms X’s throat
(caused by the combination of liver disease and previous naso-gastric feeding treatments)
further persuade against the compulsion of medical treatment here.
37
In terms of Ms X’s wishes and feelings,
38
the medical experts have elicited her views and recount them in the case,
Ms X fully agrees with [the application] and has repeatedly requested that we do not
detain or forcibly feed her. She is very clear that in her experience the use of the
MHA to enforce nutritional treatment serves only to make the situation and experience
worse for her, not better. Ms X feels that not having the continued threat of MHA
detention and treatment will also allow her control and the ability to make decisions
about her care plan.
39
More importantly, Ms X herself sent a letter to the Official Solicitor on the eve
of the hearing, stating her views on the application and her treatment. She stated,
among other things that
I understand the professionals concerns and the effect that this has had on all of
them and I do recognise that everyone wants for the best. However … rather than helping
me, it is actually making me worse … but I am also fully aware that there is support
and treatment still available if I ever want it.
40
As noted above, the complex interplay of conditions in Ms X makes the legal issues
fraught with difficulty. This is nowhere more stark than in the ‘paradox’ that is
central to the best interests decision facing Cobb J. The concern, echoing the medical
evidence and past behaviour, is that if feeding were to be compelled, the court may
be ‘facilitating or accelerating the termination of her life’.
41
Yet this tension reaches even deeper, as there is evidence to suggest that if Ms X
‘retains her autonomy’
42
then she may access some medical help, even if just of a palliative nature. Evidence
suggests that she may not be seeking palliative help for the physical symptoms of
her liver disease because she is concerned that this may result in her detention to
hospital for forced-feeding.
It is salient to note here the importance of the individual’s voice being heard through
Court of Protection cases. Until recently, it was rare for the Court of Protection
judge to visit the individual whose capacity was in question. What is striking, however,
is the impact that the involvement of the individual can have on the outcome of the
case. As cases such as CC v KK and STCC,
43
and more recently Wye Valley v B
44
demonstrate, the involvement of the individual can serve as a vital reminder of the
human aspects of the decision facing the court—an aspect that can all too easily be
forgotten in the legal process.
In this regard, Ms X is of note as an example of a particularly humane and carefully
considered decision as to best interests. Cobb J. sought to apply the familiar legal
framework with a constant eye towards the complex interweaving of conditions, and
with laudable consideration of Ms X’s wishes. The focus on the probable consequences
of his assessment was also clear throughout, with emphasis on the way in which enforcing
treatment may remove the opportunity for engagement with palliative care.
45
This added an interesting therapeutic jurisprudential angle to the case, which emphasizes
the way in which a judgement can aid the psychological and clinical outcomes for the
individual.
46
The literature on therapeutic jurisprudence has emphasized the importance of using
the law to empower people and enhance rights, and has been described as ‘… a sea change
in ethical thinking about the role of law … a movement towards a more distinctly relational
approach to the practice of law … which emphasizes psychological wellness over adversarial
triumphalism’.
47
Such an approach is in many ways a reflection of a more grounded and humane approach
to best interests which is aligned with seeing people deemed to lack mental capacity
as ‘subjects rather than objects’.
48
How can this be reconciled with the other post-MCA cases? Does the decision in Ms
X signal a swing towards a more nuanced understanding of anorexia? Re E was criticized
for failing to respect E’s strongly held wishes and forcing her to endure unwanted
and possibly undignified treatment.
49
Indeed, we caught a rare glimpse of the post-script to E’s case in Ms X, as we were
told that at the time of the judgement, E was still receiving inpatient care. In some
ways, the decision in Ms X may be lauded as demonstrating the respect which ought
to be granted to the wishes of the individual deemed to lack capacity. The emphasis
placed on Lady Hale’s statements in Aintree v James by Cobb J. is telling in this
regard and highlights the importance of seeing things subjectively from the patient’s
perspective. This development similarly accords with burgeoning debates on the compatibility
of the MCA with the UNCRPD. The UNCRPD can be seen as a key turning-point in the recognition
of the rights of individuals with disabilities, and those with psycho-social disabilities
are expressly brought within the remit of the Convention.
50
The UNCRPD places an emphasis on positive obligations on states to ensure that rights
are secured to people with disabilities and that substantive equality is secured.
The UK has signed and ratified the Convention and while it is not incorporated within
English law it may be drawn on as an interpretative aid.
51
In relation to the MCA, proponents of the UNCRPD emphasize that Article 12 of the
Convention casts doubt on the compatibility of the current legal framework.
52
Article 12 requires ‘equal recognition before the law’ for people with disabilities
and stresses that this equal recognition should be enjoyed by all. In a long-awaited
General Comment on Article 12, the Committee were keen to stress that the conflation
of legal capacity (composed of legal standing and legal agency) with mental capacity
(judgments about decision making skills) which has been used to justify systems of
substitute-decision making or guardianship are to be abolished under the CRPD.
53
Instead of relying on such an approach, the Committee stressed the need to provide
support to exercise legal capacity, including supported decision making. A key aspect
of this is the focus on eliciting the will and preferences of the individual,
54
and that these ought to be respected. Doubt is thus cast on the compliance of the
MCA with these international obligations, and the review of the UK’s compliance with
the UNCRPD—which is being undertaken imminently—will be awaited with interest. Viewing
Ms X in light of these discursive developments, however, suggests that greater recognition
is being given to the primacy of the wishes of the individual, and this is a welcome
trend for many with an interest in disability rights.
However, in analysing these cases side-by-side, it is also evident that the courts
are not always necessarily engaging closely with the will and preferences of the individuals
involved. While on one level, it seems that (in Re L and Ms X at least) the wish not
to be forcibly fed is being respected by the courts, this is not necessarily a true
reflection of the complexity of views. In all of the cases, the women stated clearly
that they did not wish to die.
55
In Re L, there is some brief discussion of L’s desire to move to a nursing home.
56
It transpired that she had been due to move to one previously, but the home withdrew
its offer of a bed, to which L reacted by reducing her food intake and becoming dangerously
ill again.
57
Later on in the judgment, mention is made of L’s desire to stay alive and her hope
of becoming strong enough to move to a nursing home. Further written evidence stated
that L felt that if a nursing home place was secured and funding put in place, she
would have the motivation to move forward.
58
With this in mind, it is somewhat disappointing that this is not closely engaged with
by King J, and it can only be said with hesitation that L’s will and preferences were
being addressed here. Closer engagement with the complexity and nuances of a persons’
wishes in these judgments would go some way to ensuring that ‘will and preferences’
or ‘beliefs and values’ are not just addressed in a tokenistic and simplistic manner.
Further analysis of these cases provides an alternative light in which the decisions
can be viewed; one which does not so readily suggest a ‘triumph’ for patient autonomy.
59
Reading the decisions more closely, it is instructive to note that the outcome in
each case was also the outcome which the expert opinion tended to favour. While of
course the cases can be reconciled simply by pointing to the fact that cases should
be dealt with on their own facts, and any ‘quirk’ in the outcomes can simply be put
down to individual differences between them, it is worth considering the dominance
of medical expertise in the court room and the extent to which this, if ever, is challenged
by the judges in relation to capacity and best interests. As noted above, in Re L,
for example, the expert opinion stated that if L were to be forcibly fed by naso-gastric
tube, there was an almost 100% likelihood of death and subsequently it was held that
it was not in L’s best interests to be forcibly re-fed. In Re E, the impact of expert
opinion is more starkly seen. In this case, there was some disagreement between the
experts, some of whom had worked with E in the past, as to the likelihood of success
of future re-feeding. The doctors who had been treating E were doubtful about further
coercive treatment, feeling that all avenues had been considered and E was strongly
against such treatment. Notably the staff, while doubtful about future treatment,
were willing to accept whichever course the judge decided. The Health Authority retained
a neutral stance and did not launch any positive case against forcible-feeding. The
medical expert, Dr Glover, however, opined that treatment which might return E to
a relatively normal life is available and has not thus far been tried.
60
Crucially, we see that a bed is available at a specialist unit and that the Health
Authority was willing to pay for it.
61
Indeed, Jackson J, in declaring it to be in E’s best interests to undergo this treatment,
stated that:
I record that the state, having instigated this plan of action for E in the way that
it has, is now honour bound to see it through by the provision of resources in the
short, medium and long term. Had the authorities not made that commitment, I would
not have reached the conclusion that I have.
62
This is a very strong and telling statement by the judge, and illustrates the presence
of professional medical opinion and resources which are often the unseen undercurrents
in such cases, which facially purport to be about the ‘big’ ethical questions of autonomy
and self-determination. In the present case of Ms X, it is seen that there is no medical
opposition to the outcome which is contended for.
63
While it is not being argued that the outcome of these cases is wrong, or that the
law was not applied correctly, it is salient to note the sway that medical opinion
and resources can have on the decision. Anorexia nervosa has a complex and contested
status and while the cases in the Court of Protection arise at a crisis point, focus
must also be directed to the surrounding societal context, including access to services,
in order to convincingly argue that we are upholding the rights of the person. Similarly,
while the therapeutic jurisprudential angle of Ms X is to be welcomed, and may represent
moves towards a more nuanced response to the individual, it is still problematic that
incapacity is almost presumed in cases involving an individual with anorexia. This
signals the retention of medico-legal control over the subject, and the subjection
of the patient’s best interests to this gaze.