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      Pregnancy, Pandemics, and Public Health Policy: The Disparate Impact of the Novel Coronavirus Disease-2019 on Pregnant Immigrants

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      , PhD a , , , MD b
      Women's Health Issues
      Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc.

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          Abstract

          Few communities in the United States have been more negatively affected by the novel coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic than immigrants with low incomes. For pregnant immigrants, who must navigate health disinformation and fear of immigration enforcement while attempting to access prenatal care for a healthy birth, this situation is particularly troubling. Any efforts to curb the COVID-19 pandemic must take into account the unique dangers this crisis poses to pregnant immigrants and their families. Pregnancy care should be provided at no cost, regardless of immigration status, for the duration of the pandemic and beyond, and any relief efforts and policy solutions must include immigrants. Unique Challenges for Pregnant Immigrants Recent data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention indicate that pregnant people may be at increased risk for severe illness from COVID-19 compared with nonpregnant people (Ellington et al., 2020). This point is particularly true for patients of advanced maternal age with comorbidities like obesity, pulmonary disease, cardiac disease, and diabetes, which place them at greater risk for severe and critical care during hospitalization for COVID-19 crisis. Inadequate prenatal care for women with underlying risk factors also increases the risk of adverse COVID-19 outcomes. More than 250,000 births in the United States are to undocumented parents, but undocumented immigrants are less likely than other U.S. residents to access adequate prenatal care, even under nonpandemic circumstances (Fabi, 2019). This troubling disparity is in part due to a ban on the use of federal funding to support care for undocumented immigrants and other “unqualified” immigrants who have been in the United States for fewer than 5 years. Although some states use federal options to provide care to legally residing pregnant immigrants or the fetuses of undocumented immigrants with CHIP funding (through what is called the “unborn child” option), the majority of states do not provide publicly funded prenatal care to undocumented immigrants (Fabi, 2019). In these states, many seek care at Federally Qualified Health Centers, where they pay out of pocket on a sliding fee scale based on income. The exclusion of many immigrants from federally funded programs is not limited to just publicly funded health insurance, however. The Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, passed in March 2020, explicitly excluded undocumented immigrants, as well as their spouses and children, from receiving the benefits of the economic stimulus package. Although many undocumented immigrants work in essential jobs, unable to stay home to avoid transmission of COVID-19, many more find themselves unemployed and unable to pursue the economic relief necessary to keep their families housed and fed, even if their families include U.S. citizens. Several lawsuits have been filed by U.S. citizen spouses and children of undocumented immigrants in an attempt to secure relief, but the immediate impact of their exclusion from the CARES Act has been devastating (Bloomberg, 2020). Legally residing immigrants also face policy restrictions on their use of public benefits like Medicaid from the Trump administration's changes to the “public charge” rule, which makes it much harder for a visa holder to receive a green card if she has received public benefits. Although the administration has issued guidance indicating that public charge does not apply to COVID-19 testing or treatment, fear and distrust in immigrant communities have nonetheless hindered immigrants from seeking care. This situation is particularly harmful for pregnant immigrants, many of whom may delay prenatal care out of fear of public charge or immigration enforcement. This chilling effect can have dangerous consequences for a pregnant immigrant, even without the threat of a highly contagious and harmful disease (Page & Polk, 2017). In addition to policy restrictions that may impact access to care for immigrants, there are also very real fears of going into a clinical setting at all, even for patients with the ability to pay for care, owing to the perceived risk of being apprehended by immigration enforcement. Although some providers have attempted to increase their telehealth availability to provide a safer alternative to coming into the office, accessible telehealth depends on a reliable Internet connection and, for many immigrants, appropriate medical interpretation. For pregnant immigrants who lack these resources, this digital divide may mean delaying prenatal and other routine care, which could have negative effects on maternal and fetal health. Public Health Is Public Health The Trump administration has used the threat of COVID-19 to expand immigration restrictions and punish immigrants and their families. Given the unique risks of the COVID-19 pandemic faced by pregnant immigrants, such policies are not only bad for public health, but are also ethically impermissible. It constitutes a gross violation of justice to treat a group of vulnerable individuals differently on the basis of the morally irrelevant characteristic of their country of birth. What matters, from a public health and ethical perspective, is that undocumented pregnant people and their families are residents of the United States, members of our communities, and deserving of equal treatment in the face of a deadly disease outbreak. Excluding immigrants from coronavirus relief efforts and publicly funded health resources not only compounds the dangers they face in their own lives, but also heightens the risk to the communities in which they live. In their book The Health of Newcomers, Illingworth and Parmet (2017) argue that health is a global public good. Given the deep social embeddedness of immigrants in communities that include newcomers and citizens alike, and the globalization of health, especially in the case of communicable diseases like COVID-19, it makes little sense to prevent immigrants from accessing the same levels of care and resources as their fellow U.S. residents, or indeed, to deport them to their home countries, as the Trump administration has reportedly done to thousands of immigrant children and families. Illingworth and Parmet (2017, p. 132) argue that “Against the background of health as a global public good, newcomers should not be sent ‘home’ when they become ill, or denied access to medical care, but cared for as we would care for family.” It is particularly troubling that the needs of pregnant immigrants and their children continue to go unmet through this global pandemic. Although the Trump administration has demonstrated no qualms about excluding even the citizen children of undocumented immigrants from COVID-19 relief, taking policy actions that actively harm children on the basis of their parent's immigration status is both unethical and illegal. Depriving their parents of prenatal care at the peak of an infectious disease outbreak not only harms the immigrant parents, but could also create a lifetime of preventable disease burden for babies born without adequate prenatal care. Policy Solutions Given the public health and ethical imperatives described in this article, state governments must provide publicly funded prenatal care for all low-income state residents, regardless of immigration status, for the duration of the COVID-19 pandemic. This could be done using the CHIP unborn child option, as mentioned, or through a state-funded Medicaid lookalike program. Covering prenatal care for immigrants ineligible for traditional Medicaid has been shown to be a cost-effective way to increase prenatal care use and improve birth outcomes in this population (Rodriguez, Swartz, Lawrence, & Caughey, 2020; Swartz, Hainmueller, Lawrence, & Rodriguez, 2017; 2019; Wherry, Fabi, Schickedanz, & Saloner, 2017). Given the ethical concerns raised by the unborn child option's underlying presumption of fetal personhood, we recommend that states pursue a Medicaid lookalike (Fabi, 2019). Of course, there remains a concern that immigrants may mistrust or shun new services or programs; significant community engagement and public messaging will be necessary to ensure that immigrants are able to trust and securely use newly available services and insurance options. Clinics that serve immigrant patients can play a significant role in building trust in new programs by engaging community stakeholders and by practicing “sanctuary doctoring” and other evidence-based practices for creating welcoming and safe health care settings for immigrant patients (Kuczewski, Mejias-Beck, & Blair, 2019; Saadi, 2020). This point will be especially important in light of the distrust fomented by the Trump administration's anti-immigrant policies over the past 4 years. Pregnancy care provided through these programs must be accessible to immigrants who may lack the necessary resources to engage in effective telemedicine, such as high-speed Internet service. The federal government could expand access to broadband by passing a COVID-19 relief bill that includes mechanisms for eligible low-income households to receive an emergency broadband benefit, such as, for instance, the HEROES Act. Additionally, the federal government should include all U.S. residents in all COVID-19 economic relief efforts, because many pregnant immigrants may be suffering unemployment without the unemployment benefits available to their citizen neighbors. Unfortunately, congressional action is unlikely if the government remains divided after the Georgia run-off election (scheduled for January 5, 2021). The incoming Biden administration could also use administrative action to address access to care for undocumented pregnant people by reversing harmful Trump administration policies, such as the public charge rule and policies mandating the detention of all pregnant people apprehended at the U.S. border (Messing, Fabi, & Rosen, 2020). Policies like these must be entirely and indefinitely dismantled if we are to end their chilling effect on immigrant residents of the United States. Finally, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, under Biden's administration, could signal their openness to state waivers that seek innovative approaches to expand access to care for undocumented pregnant people. Waivers allow states to modify their Medicaid programs or change their implementation of certain provisions of the Affordable Care Act. For example, Medicaid waivers might expand program eligibility criteria, or Affordable Care Act waivers could allow undocumented immigrants to purchase insurance through state marketplaces, as was nearly implemented in California before the Trump administration took office (Fabi & Saloner, 2016).

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          Characteristics of Women of Reproductive Age with Laboratory-Confirmed SARS-CoV-2 Infection by Pregnancy Status — United States, January 22–June 7, 2020

          As of June 16, 2020, the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has resulted in 2,104,346 cases and 116,140 deaths in the United States.* During pregnancy, women experience immunologic and physiologic changes that could increase their risk for more severe illness from respiratory infections ( 1 , 2 ). To date, data to assess the prevalence and severity of COVID-19 among pregnant U.S. women and determine whether signs and symptoms differ among pregnant and nonpregnant women are limited. During January 22–June 7, as part of COVID-19 surveillance, CDC received reports of 326,335 women of reproductive age (15–44 years) who had positive test results for SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19. Data on pregnancy status were available for 91,412 (28.0%) women with laboratory-confirmed infections; among these, 8,207 (9.0%) were pregnant. Symptomatic pregnant and nonpregnant women with COVID-19 reported similar frequencies of cough (>50%) and shortness of breath (30%), but pregnant women less frequently reported headache, muscle aches, fever, chills, and diarrhea. Chronic lung disease, diabetes mellitus, and cardiovascular disease were more commonly reported among pregnant women than among nonpregnant women. Among women with COVID-19, approximately one third (31.5%) of pregnant women were reported to have been hospitalized compared with 5.8% of nonpregnant women. After adjusting for age, presence of underlying medical conditions, and race/ethnicity, pregnant women were significantly more likely to be admitted to the intensive care unit (ICU) (aRR = 1.5, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.2–1.8) and receive mechanical ventilation (aRR = 1.7, 95% CI = 1.2–2.4). Sixteen (0.2%) COVID-19–related deaths were reported among pregnant women aged 15–44 years, and 208 (0.2%) such deaths were reported among nonpregnant women (aRR = 0.9, 95% CI = 0.5–1.5). These findings suggest that among women of reproductive age with COVID-19, pregnant women are more likely to be hospitalized and at increased risk for ICU admission and receipt of mechanical ventilation compared with nonpregnant women, but their risk for death is similar. To reduce occurrence of severe illness from COVID-19, pregnant women should be counseled about the potential risk for severe illness from COVID-19, and measures to prevent infection with SARS-CoV-2 should be emphasized for pregnant women and their families. Data on laboratory-confirmed and probable COVID-19 cases † were electronically reported to CDC using a standardized case report form § or through the National Notifiable Diseases Surveillance System ¶ as part of COVID-19 surveillance efforts. Data are updated by health departments as additional information becomes available. This analysis includes cases reported during January 22–June 7 with data updated as of June 17, 2020. Included cases were limited to laboratory-confirmed infections with SARS-CoV-2 (confirmed by detection of SARS-CoV-2 RNA in a clinical specimen using a molecular amplification detection test) among women aged 15–44 years from 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City. Data collected included information on demographic characteristics, pregnancy status, underlying medical conditions, clinical signs and symptoms, and outcomes (including hospitalization, ICU admission, receipt of mechanical ventilation, and death). Outcomes with missing data were assumed not to have occurred (i.e., if data were missing on hospitalization, women were assumed to not have been hospitalized). Crude and adjusted risk ratios and 95% CIs for outcomes were calculated using modified Poisson regression. Risk ratios were adjusted for age (as a continuous variable), presence of underlying chronic conditions (yes/no), and race/ethnicity. All analyses were performed using SAS (version 9.4; SAS Institute). During January 22–June 7, among 1,573,211 laboratory-confirmed cases of SARS-CoV-2 infection reported to CDC as part of national COVID-19 surveillance, a total of 326,335 (20.7%) occurred among women aged 15–44 years. Data on pregnancy status were available for 91,412 (28.0%) of these women; 8,207 (9.0%) were pregnant (Table 1). Approximately one quarter of all women aged 15–44 years were aged 15–24 years. A total of 54.4% of pregnant women and 38.2% of nonpregnant women were aged 25–34 years; 22.1% of pregnant women and 38.3% of nonpregnant women were aged 35–44 years. Information on race/ethnicity was available for 80.4% of pregnant women and 70.6% of nonpregnant women. Among pregnant women, 46.2% were Hispanic, 23.0% were non-Hispanic white (white), 22.1% were non-Hispanic black (black), and 3.8% were non-Hispanic Asian compared with 38.1%, 29.4%, 25.4%, and 3.2%, respectively, among nonpregnant women. TABLE 1 Demographic characteristics, symptoms, and underlying medical conditions among women aged 15–44 years with known pregnancy status and laboratory-confirmed SARS-CoV-2 infection (N = 91,412),* by pregnancy status — United States, January 22–June 7, 2020 Characteristic No. (%) Pregnant women
(n = 8,207) Nonpregnant women
(n = 83,205) Age group (yrs) 15–24 1,921 (23.4) 19,557 (23.5) 25–34 4,469 (54.4) 31,818 (38.2) 35–44 1,817 (22.1) 31,830 (38.3) Race/Ethnicity† Hispanic or Latino 3,048 (46.2) 22,394 (38.1) Asian, non-Hispanic 254 (3.8) 1,869 (3.2) Black, non-Hispanic 1,459 (22.1) 14,922 (25.4) White, non-Hispanic 1,520 (23.0) 17,297 (29.4) Multiple or other race, non-Hispanic§ 321 (4.9) 2,299 (3.9) Symptom status¶ Symptomatic 5,199 (97.1) 72,549 (96.9) Asymptomatic 156 (2.9) 2,328 (3.1) Symptom reported** Cough 1,799 (51.8) 23,554 (53.7) Fever†† 1,190 (34.3) 18,474 (42.1) Muscle aches 1,323 (38.1) 20,693 (47.2) Chills 989 (28.5) 15,630 (35.6) Headache 1,409 (40.6) 22,899 (52.2) Shortness of breath 1,045 (30.1) 13,292 (30.3) Sore throat 942 (27.1) 13,681 (31.2) Diarrhea 497 (14.3) 10,113 (23.1) Nausea or vomiting 682 (19.6) 6,795 (15.5) Abdominal pain 350 (10.1) 5,139 (11.7) Runny nose 326 (9.4) 4,540 (10.4) New loss of taste or smell§§ 587 (16.9) 7,262 (16.6) Underlying medical condition Known underlying medical condition status¶¶ 1,878 (22.9) 29,142 (35.0) Diabetes mellitus 288 (15.3) 1,866 (6.4) Chronic lung disease 409 (21.8) 3,006 (10.3) Cardiovascular disease 262 (14.0) 2,082 (7.1) Chronic renal disease 12 (0.6) 266 (0.9) Chronic liver disease 8 (0.4) 141 (0.5) Immunocompromised condition 66 (3.5) 811 (2.8) Neurologic disorder, neurodevelopmental disorder, or intellectual disability 17 (0.9) 389 (1.3) Other chronic disease 162 (8.6) 1,586 (5.4) Abbreviation: COVID-19 = coronavirus disease 2019. * Women with known pregnancy status, representing 28% of 326,335 total cases in women aged 15–44 years. † Race/ethnicity was missing for 1,605 (20%) pregnant women and 24,424 (29%) nonpregnant women. § Other race includes American Indian or Alaska Native or Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander. ¶ Data on symptom status were missing for 2,852 (35%) pregnant women and 8,328 (10%) nonpregnant women. ** Among symptomatic women (3,474 pregnant; 43,855 nonpregnant) with any of the following symptoms noted as present or absent on the CDC's Human Infection with 2019 Novel Coronavirus Case Report Form: fever (measured >100.4°F [38°C] or subjective), cough, shortness of breath, wheezing, difficulty breathing, chills, rigors, myalgia, rhinorrhea, sore throat, chest pain, nausea or vomiting, abdominal pain, headache, fatigue, diarrhea (three or more loose stools in a 24-hour period), new olfactory or taste disorder, or other symptom not otherwise specified on the form. †† Patients were included if they had information for either measured or subjective fever variables and were considered to have a fever if “yes” was indicated for either variable. §§ New olfactory and taste disorder has only been included on the CDC's Human Infection with 2019 Novel Coronavirus Case Report Form since May 5, 2020. Therefore, data might be underreported for this symptom. ¶¶ Status was classified as “known” if any of the following conditions were noted as present or absent on the CDC's Human Infection with 2019 Novel Coronavirus Case Report Form: diabetes mellitus, cardiovascular disease (including hypertension), severe obesity (body mass index ≥40 kg/m2), chronic renal disease, chronic liver disease, chronic lung disease, immunosuppressive condition, autoimmune condition, neurologic condition (including neurodevelopmental, intellectual, physical, visual, or hearing impairment), psychological/psychiatric condition, and other underlying medical condition not otherwise specified. Symptom status was reported for 65.2% of pregnant women and 90.0% of nonpregnant women; among those with symptom status reported, 97.1% of pregnant and 96.9% nonpregnant women reported being symptomatic. Symptomatic pregnant and nonpregnant women also reported similar frequencies of cough (51.8% versus 53.7%) and shortness of breath (30.1% versus 30.3%). Pregnant women less frequently reported headache (40.6% versus 52.2%), muscle aches (38.1% versus 47.2%), fever (34.3% versus 42.1%), chills (28.5% versus 35.6%), and diarrhea (14.3% versus 23.1%) than did nonpregnant women. Data were available on presence and absence of underlying chronic conditions for 22.9% of pregnant women and 35.0% of nonpregnant women. Chronic lung disease (21.8% pregnant; 10.3% nonpregnant), diabetes mellitus (15.3% pregnant; 6.4% nonpregnant), and cardiovascular disease (14.0% pregnant; 7.1% nonpregnant) were the most commonly reported chronic conditions. Data were not available to distinguish whether chronic conditions were present before or associated with pregnancy (e.g., gestational diabetes or hypertensive disorders of pregnancy). Hospitalization was reported by a substantially higher percentage of pregnant women (31.5%) than nonpregnant women (5.8%) (Table 2). Data were not available to distinguish hospitalization for COVID-19–related circumstances (e.g., worsening respiratory status) from hospital admission for pregnancy-related treatment or procedures (e.g., delivery). Pregnant women were admitted more frequently to the ICU (1.5%) than were nonpregnant women (0.9%). Similarly, 0.5% of pregnant women required mechanical ventilation compared with 0.3% of nonpregnant women. Sixteen deaths (0.2%) were reported among 8,207 pregnant women, and 208 (0.2%) were reported among 83,205 nonpregnant women. When stratified by age, all outcomes (hospitalization, ICU admission, receipt of mechanical ventilation, and death) were more frequently reported among women aged 35–44 years than among those aged 15–24 years, regardless of pregnancy status. When stratified by race/ethnicity, ICU admission was most frequently reported among pregnant women who were non-Hispanic Asian (3.5%) than among all pregnant women (1.5%) (Table 2). TABLE 2 Hospitalizations, intensive care unit (ICU) admissions, receipt of mechanical ventilation, and deaths among women with known pregnancy status and laboratory-confirmed SARS-CoV-2 infection (N = 91,412), by pregnancy status, age group, and race/ethnicity, and relative risk for these outcomes comparing pregnant women to nonpregnant women aged 15–44 years — United States, January 22–June 7, 2020 Outcome* No. (%) Crude risk ratio
(95% CI) Adjusted risk ratio†
(95% CI) Pregnant women
(n = 8,207) Nonpregnant women
(n = 83,205) Hospitalization§ 5.4 (5.2–5.7) 5.4 (5.1–5.6) All 2,587 (31.5) 4,840 (5.8) Age group (yrs) 15–24 562 (29.3) 639 (3.3) 25–34 1,398 (31.3) 1,689 (5.3) 35–44 627 (34.5) 2,512 (7.9) Race/Ethnicity¶ Hispanic or Latino 968 (31.7) 1,473 (6.5) Asian, non-Hispanic 100 (39.4) 136 (7.3) Black, non-Hispanic 461 (31.6) 1,199 (8.0) White, non-Hispanic 492 (32.4) 803 (4.6) Multiple or other race, non-Hispanic** 136 (42.4) 194 (8.4) ICU admission†† 1.6 (1.3–1.9) 1.5 (1.2–1.8) All 120 (1.5) 757 (0.9) Age group (yrs) 15–24 19 (1.0) 100 (0.5) 25–34 53 (1.2) 251 (0.8) 35–44 48 (2.6) 406 (1.3) Race/Ethnicity Hispanic or Latino 49 (1.6) 194 (0.9) Asian, non-Hispanic 9 (3.5) 25 (1.3) Black, non-Hispanic 28 (1.9) 194 (1.3) White, non-Hispanic 12 (0.8) 158 (0.9) Multiple or other race, non-Hispanic** <5 (—§§) 40 (1.7) Hispanic or Latino 49 (1.6) 194 (0.9) Mechanical ventilation¶¶ 1.9 (1.4–2.6) 1.7 (1.2–2.4) All 42 (0.5) 225 (0.3) Age group (yrs) 15–24 <5 (—§§) 22 (0.1) 25–34 18 (0.4) 74 (0.2) 35–44 21 (1.2) 129 (0.4) Race/Ethnicity Hispanic or Latino 13 (0.4) 70 (0.3) Asian, non-Hispanic <5 (—§§) 13 (0.7) Black, non-Hispanic 9 (0.6) 48 (0.3) White, non-Hispanic <5 (—§§) 44 (0.3) Multiple or other race, non-Hispanic** 5 (1.6) 16 (0.7) Death*** 0.8 (0.5–1.3) 0.9 (0.5–1.5) All 16 (0.2) 208 (0.2) Age group (yrs) 15–24 <5 (—§§) 9 (0.0) 25–34 7 (0.2) 58 (0.2) 35–44 8 (0.4) 141 (0.4) Race/Ethnicity Hispanic or Latino 5 (0.2) 47 (0.2) Asian, non-Hispanic <5 (—§§) 7 (0.4) Black, non-Hispanic 6 (0.4) 74 (0.5) White, non-Hispanic <5 (—§§) 37 (0.2) Multiple or other race, non-Hispanic** <5 (—§§) 8 (0.4) Abbreviations: CI = confidence interval; COVID-19 = coronavirus disease 2019. * Percentages calculated among total in pregnancy status group with known hospitalization status, ICU admission status, mechanical ventilation status, or death. † Adjusted for age as a continuous variable, dichotomous yes/no variable for presence of underlying conditions, and categorical race/ethnicity variable. Nonpregnant women are the referent group. § A total of 1,539 (18%) pregnant women and 9,744 (12%) nonpregnant women were missing information on hospitalization status and were assumed to have not been hospitalized. ¶ Race/ethnicity was missing for 1,605 (20%) pregnant women and 24,424 (29%) nonpregnant women. ** Other race includes American Indian or Alaska Native or Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander. †† A total of 6,079 (74%) pregnant women and 58,888 (71%) nonpregnant women were missing information for ICU admission and were assumed to have not been admitted to an ICU. §§ Cell counts <5 are suppressed. ¶¶ A total of 6,351 (77%) pregnant women and 63,893 (77%) nonpregnant women were missing information for receipt of mechanical ventilation and were assumed to have not received mechanical ventilation. *** A total of 3,819 (47%) pregnant women and 17,420 (21%) nonpregnant women were missing information on death and were assumed to have survived. After adjusting for age, presence of underlying conditions, and race/ethnicity, pregnant women were 5.4 times more likely to be hospitalized (95% CI = 5.1–5.6), 1.5 times more likely to be admitted to the ICU ( 95% CI = 1.2–1.8), and 1.7 times more likely to receive mechanical ventilation (95% CI = 1.2–2.4) (Table 2). No difference in the risk for death between pregnant and nonpregnant women was found (aRR = 0.9, 95% CI = 0.5–1.5). Discussion As of June 7, 2020, a total of 8,207 cases of COVID-19 in pregnant women were reported to CDC, representing approximately 9% of cases among women of reproductive age with data available on pregnancy status. This finding is similar to that of a recent analysis of hospitalized COVID-19 patients ( 3 ); however, given that approximately 5% of women aged 15–44 years are pregnant at a point in time,** this percentage is higher than expected. Although these findings could be related to the increased risk for illness, they also could be related to the high proportion of reproductive-aged women for whom data on pregnancy status was missing, if these women were more likely to not be pregnant. The higher-than-expected percentage of COVID-19 cases among women of reproductive age who were pregnant might also be attributable to increased screening and detection of SARS-CoV-2 infection in pregnant women compared with nonpregnant women or by more frequent health care encounters, which increase opportunities to receive SARS-CoV-2 testing. Several inpatient obstetric health care facilities have implemented universal screening and testing policies for pregnant women upon admission ( 4 – 6 ). During the study period, among pregnant women with laboratory-confirmed SARS-CoV-2 infection who reported race/ethnicity, 46% were Hispanic, 22% were black, and 23% were white; these proportions differ from those among women with reported race/ethnicity who gave birth in 2019: 24% were Hispanic, 15% were black, and 51% were white. †† Although data on race/ethnicity were missing for 20% of pregnant women in this study, these findings suggest that pregnant women who are Hispanic and black might be disproportionately affected by SARS-CoV-2 infection during pregnancy. Among women with known symptom status, similar percentages of pregnant and nonpregnant women were symptomatic with COVID-19. However, data on symptom status were missing for approximately one third of pregnant women, compared with 10% of nonpregnant women; therefore, if those with missing symptom status are more likely to be asymptomatic, the percentage of pregnant women who are asymptomatic could be higher than the percentage of asymptomatic nonpregnant women. The percentages of pregnant women reporting fever, muscle aches, chills, headache, and diarrhea were lower than those reported among nonpregnant women, suggesting that signs and symptoms of COVID-19 might differ between pregnant and nonpregnant women. Diabetes mellitus, chronic lung disease, and cardiovascular disease were reported more frequently among pregnant women than among nonpregnant women. Additional information is needed to distinguish medical conditions that developed before pregnancy from those that developed during pregnancy and to determine whether this distinction affects clinical outcomes of COVID-19. Whereas hospitalization occurred in a significantly higher proportion of pregnant women than nonpregnant women, data needed to distinguish hospitalization for COVID-19 from hospital admission for pregnancy-related conditions were not available. Further, differences in hospitalization by pregnancy status might reflect a lower threshold for admitting pregnant patients or for universal screening and testing policies that some hospitals have implemented for women admitted to the labor and delivery unit ( 4 – 7 ). In contrast, however, ICU admission and receipt of mechanical ventilation are distinct proxies for illness severity ( 8 ), and after adjusting for age, presence of underlying conditions, and race/ethnicity, the risks for both outcomes were significantly higher among pregnant women than among nonpregnant women. These findings are similar to those from a recent study in Sweden, which found that pregnant women with COVID-19 were five times more likely to be admitted to the ICU and four times more like to receive mechanical ventilation than were nonpregnant women ( 9 ). The risk for death was the same for pregnant and nonpregnant women. A recent meta-analysis of individual participant data among women of reproductive age found that for influenza, pregnancy was associated with a seven times higher risk for hospitalization, a lower risk for ICU admission, and no increased risk for death ( 10 ). The findings in this report are subject to at least four limitations. First, pregnancy status was missing for three quarters of women of reproductive age with SARS-CoV-2 infection. Moreover, among COVID-19 cases in female patients with known pregnancy status, data on race/ethnicity, symptoms, underlying conditions, and outcomes were missing for a large proportion of cases. This circumstance could lead to overestimation or underestimation of some characteristics, if those with missing data were systematically different from those with available data. To avoid overestimating the risk for adverse outcomes, the absence of data on an outcome was assumed to indicate that the outcome did not occur, and those persons with missing information were included in the denominator. Second, additional time might be needed to ascertain and report outcomes such as ICU admission, mechanical ventilation, and death, and this analysis might underestimate the prevalence of these outcomes. Third, information on pregnancy trimester at the time of infection or whether the hospitalization was related to pregnancy conditions rather than for COVID-19 illness was not available and limits the interpretation of hospitalization data. Finally, routine case surveillance does not capture pregnancy or birth outcomes; thus, it remains unclear whether SARS-CoV-2 infection during pregnancy is associated with adverse pregnancy outcomes, such as pregnancy loss or preterm birth. The findings in this report suggest that among adolescents and women aged 15–44 years with COVID-19, pregnancy is associated with increased risk for ICU admission and receipt of mechanical ventilation, but it is not associated with increased risk for mortality. This report also highlights the need for more complete data to fully understand the risk for severe illness resulting from SARS-CoV-2 infection in pregnant women. Further, collection of longitudinal data for pregnant women with SARS-CoV-2 infection, including information about pregnancy outcomes, is needed to understand the effects of SARS-CoV-2 infection on maternal and neonatal outcomes. To address these data gaps, CDC, in collaboration with health departments, has initiated COVID-19 pregnancy surveillance to report pregnancy-related information and outcomes among pregnant women with laboratory-confirmed SARS-CoV-2 infection. CDC will continue to provide updates on COVID-19 cases in pregnant women. Although additional data are needed to further understand these observed elevated risks, pregnant women should be made aware of their potential risk for severe illness from COVID-19. Pregnant women and their families should take measures to ensure their health and prevent the spread of SARS-CoV-2 infection. Specific actions pregnant women can take include not skipping prenatal care appointments, limiting interactions with other people as much as possible, taking precautions to prevent getting COVID-19 when interacting with others, having at least a 30-day supply of medicines, and talking to their health care provider about how to stay healthy during the COVID-19 pandemic. §§ To reduce severe outcomes from COVID-19 among pregnant women, measures to prevent SARS-CoV-2 infection should be emphasized, and potential barriers to the ability to adhere to these measures need to be addressed. Summary What is already known about this topic? Limited information is available about SARS-CoV-2 infection in U.S. pregnant women. What is added by this report? Hispanic and non-Hispanic black pregnant women appear to be disproportionately affected by SARS-CoV-2 infection during pregnancy. Among reproductive-age women with SARS-CoV-2 infection, pregnancy was associated with hospitalization and increased risk for intensive care unit admission, and receipt of mechanical ventilation, but not with death. What are the implications for public health practice? Pregnant women might be at increased risk for severe COVID-19 illness. To reduce severe COVID-19–associated illness, pregnant women should be aware of their potential risk for severe COVID-19 illness. Prevention of COVID-19 should be emphasized for pregnant women and potential barriers to adherence to these measures need to be addressed.
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            Chilling Effect? Post-Election Health Care Use by Undocumented and Mixed-Status Families

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              Expanding Prenatal Care to Unauthorized Immigrant Women and the Effects on Infant Health

              Objective To measure the result of access to prenatal care on unauthorized and low-income, new legal permanent resident immigrant women and their offspring. Methods We used a difference-in-difference design that leverages the staggered rollout of Emergency Medicaid Plus by county from 2008 to 2013 as a natural experiment to estimate the effect on health service utilization for women and health outcomes for their infants. Regular Medicaid pregnancies were used as an additional control in a triple difference design. Results Our sample included pregnancies covered by Emergency Medicaid (34,319), Emergency Medicaid Plus (12,344), and Medicaid (163,537). After expansion of access to prenatal care, there was an increase in prenatal visits (7.2 more visits, 95% CI 6.46 to 7.98), receipt of adequate prenatal care (28% increased rate, CI 26 to 31), rates of diabetes screening (61% increased rate, CI 56 to 65) and fetal ultrasounds (74% increased rate, CI 72 to 77). Maternal access to prenatal care was also associated with an increased number of well-child visits (0.24 more visits, CI 0.07 to 0.41), increased rates of recommended screenings and vaccines (0.04 increased probability, CI 0.002 to 0.074), and reduced infant mortality (-1.04 per 1000, CI -1.45 to -0.62) and rates of extremely low birth weight (<1000g) (-1.5 per 1000, CI -2.58 to -0.53). Conclusion Our results provide evidence of increased utilization and improved health outcomes for unauthorized immigrants and their children who are United States citizens after introduction of prenatal care expansion in Oregon. This study contributes to the debate around reauthorization of the Children's Health Insurance Program in 2017.
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                Author and article information

                Journal
                Womens Health Issues
                Womens Health Issues
                Women's Health Issues
                Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc.
                1049-3867
                1878-4321
                13 December 2020
                13 December 2020
                Affiliations
                [a ]Center for Bioethics and Humanities, SUNY Upstate Medical University, Syracuse, New York
                [b ]Philadelphia Collaborative for Health Equity, Department of Obstetrics & Gynecology and Population Health, Thomas Jefferson University & Jefferson Health, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
                Author notes
                []Correspondence to: Rachel E. Fabi, PhD, Center for Bioethics and Humanities, SUNY Upstate Medical University, 618 Irving Ave, Syracuse, NY 13210. Phone: 315-464-1807.
                Article
                S1049-3867(20)30134-1
                10.1016/j.whi.2020.12.001
                7836935
                33461870
                af0d3601-f015-411c-9b8c-db6e9b3da583
                © 2020 Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc.

                Since January 2020 Elsevier has created a COVID-19 resource centre with free information in English and Mandarin on the novel coronavirus COVID-19. The COVID-19 resource centre is hosted on Elsevier Connect, the company's public news and information website. Elsevier hereby grants permission to make all its COVID-19-related research that is available on the COVID-19 resource centre - including this research content - immediately available in PubMed Central and other publicly funded repositories, such as the WHO COVID database with rights for unrestricted research re-use and analyses in any form or by any means with acknowledgement of the original source. These permissions are granted for free by Elsevier for as long as the COVID-19 resource centre remains active.

                History
                : 16 September 2020
                : 23 November 2020
                : 2 December 2020
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