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      Reducing Unequal Representation: The Impact of Labor Unions on Legislative Responsiveness in the U.S. Congress

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      Perspectives on Politics
      Cambridge University Press (CUP)

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          Abstract

          It has long been recognized that economic inequality may undermine the principle of equal responsiveness that lies at the core of democratic governance. A recent wave of scholarship has highlighted an acute degree of political inequality in contemporary democracies in North America and Europe. In contrast to the view that unequal responsiveness in favor of the affluent is nearly inevitable when income inequality is high, we argue that organized labor can be an effective source of political equality. Focusing on the paradigmatic case of the U.S. House of Representatives, our novel dataset combines income-specific estimates of constituency preferences based on 223,000 survey respondents matched to roll-call votes with a measure of district-level union strength drawn from administrative records. We find that local unions significantly dampen unequal responsiveness to high incomes: a standard deviation increase in union membership increases legislative responsiveness towards the poor by about six to eight percentage points. As a result, in districts with relatively strong unions legislators are about equally responsive to rich and poor Americans. We rule out alternative explanations using flexible controls for policies, institutions, and economic structure, as well as a novel instrumental variable for unionization based on history and geography. We also show that the impact of unions operates via campaign contributions and partisan selection.

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          Constituency Influence in Congress

          Substantial constituency influence over the lower house of Congress is commonly thought to be both a normative principle and a factual truth of American government. From their draft constitution we may assume the Founding Fathers expected it, and many political scientists feel, regretfully, that the Framers' wish has come all too true. Nevertheless, much of the evidence of constituency control rests on inference. The fact that our House of Representatives, especially by comparison with the House of Commons, has irregular party voting does not of itself indicate that Congressmen deviate from party in response to local pressure. And even more, the fact that many Congressmenfeelpressure from home does not of itself establish that the local constituency is performing any of the acts that a reasonable definition of control would imply.
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            Inference on Treatment Effects after Selection among High-Dimensional Controls

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              Do Voters Affect or Elect Policies? Evidence from the U. S. House

                Author and article information

                Journal
                Perspectives on Politics
                Perspect. polit.
                Cambridge University Press (CUP)
                1537-5927
                1541-0986
                July 21 2020
                : 1-18
                Article
                10.1017/S153759272000208X
                c7a7006f-1826-4225-a9f1-70b90792f23c
                © 2020

                https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms

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