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      Liberation movements in power: party and state in southern Africa

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      Review of African Political Economy
      Review of African Political Economy
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            Roger Southall starts his book Liberation Movements in Power with an important observation. Southern African decolonisation was going to be unlike the earlier wave of national liberation: it was not going to make the same mistakes, ‘southern African NLMs [National Liberation Movements] were widely deemed to have special qualities, whether those related to ideological sophistication, representativeness of advanced class formation or simply commitment to high-minded principles’ (4). The regimes, so the argument went, that would emerge from these more ‘sophisticated’ liberation struggles would be unlike their predecessors that had emerged from the first period of decolonisation. In place of flag independence, real (and even socialist) transformation would take place, as he writes towards the end of the book: ‘The NLMs of southern Africa all expressed the intention to escape the fate reserved for the postcolonial national bourgeoisie of Fanon's unflattering description’ (274).

            Southall's volume focuses on three case studies: the liberation movements of South Africa – the African National Congress (ANC); Namibia – the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO); and Zimbabwe – the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), but his question ‘so what has gone wrong?’ (5) applies equally to the ex-Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique. Southall continues, ‘today the reality of NLMs as governments has given rise to widespread feelings of disappointment … They have become authoritarian, intolerant, careless if not actively abusive of human rights’ (4).

            To answer these disappointments Southall's extremely thorough book looks in detail at the origins of national liberation in his case studies, charting their path to political maturity, armed struggle and negotiated settlements that resulted in independence (in the case of Namibia and Zimbabwe) and multiparty election (in South Africa) and then to their experience in power. He uses the notion of ‘party machine’ to explain the degeneration when NLMs come to power. Such a machine is ‘a vehicle for the upward mobility of party elites and for material accumulation justified ideologically by reference to the historical rightness of transformation’ (247).

            The book examines the global dimension of national liberation, noting early on that the ideological shift (that had a decisive effect on many NLMs on the continent) among an important band of communist activists in South Africa was the Sixth Congress of the Communist International in 1928 (not 1927 as it appears in Southall's book). James la Guma, representing the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), was present when the Congress resolved (in an abrupt volte-face from previous positions) that the national question was the ‘foundation of the revolution’. From this point the CPSA (later SACP)1 would work, together with the ANC, towards ‘an independent native South African republic’.

            In the 1950s and 1960s NLMs in southern Africa began to focus increasingly on the armed struggle. Southall charts the brutality of SWAPO, the ANC/SACP and ZANU-PF during the liberation struggles, each guilty of the assassination of internal opponents, and the mass arrest and murder of their own combatants. Much of this brutality came from the militarisation of these movements whether supported by the Chinese, Cubans or Soviets: ‘a reason for the closing down of political alternatives and for the establishment of political monopolies by exiled leaderships’ (57). Perhaps the worst violations were committed by the ANC/SACP's armed wing Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) when they crushed the ‘mutiny’ in 1984 of their forces in Kagandale in Angola; the revolt spread to include ‘a 90% majority among the whole trained forces of MK in Angola’ (59). In the suppression of this rebellion the ANC was assisted by the Angolan army but also, in other periods of internal dissent, by the ‘socialist’ government in Tanzania. Southall concludes:

            Whether in Maoist or Soviet variants, emphasis was laid upon the party merging with the people … those who disagreed with it were misguided, disloyal or malevolently intentioned. This in turn implied that the exiled revolutionary movement had authority over popular forces, such as trade unions, civics and oppositional political parties at home. (60)

            A verdict of ‘staggering brutality’ recorded against the ANC Security Department in a report in the early 1990s could suggest that this violent popular front was ill-suited to assuming power. Southall goes on to describe how the ‘politics of exile’, in each of his case studies, must take much of the blame for the movements' ambiguity towards democratic accountability. Once in power these parties proved to be great disappointments. A political culture that severely compromised their commitment to democratic orientation, alongside a brutal commitment to commandist politics, led them to a ‘totalising control of the state and society’ (96). As NLMs moved towards independence, each embraced capitalist development despite struggle rhetoric that frequently extolled socialist transformation. Southall identifies a number of reasons for the acceptance of ‘capitalist economics’ across his case studies. First, each NLM was confronted with regimes that were prepared to grant political power, but not economic control. In the case of South Africa the ANC ‘was subject to massive lobbying by large-scale capital’ (91). Secondly, the NLMs came to power in an era following the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in the 1970s and the ‘defeat’ of state socialism with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. A generation of socialists in NLMs lost their ideological moorings. Lastly, the black middle classes, though weak and small in number, were ‘disproportionately influential within the NLMs’, which ‘predisposed them to becoming state managers, for only preferential access to the state could enable them to become a “proper” bourgeoisie’ (332).

            This book is encyclopaedic in detail and scope, elegantly written and carefully analysed, and makes a convincing and nuanced argument for the degeneration of NLMs. Southall may have benefited from a deeper analysis of an earlier wave of continental independence in the 1960s. What does the decay of these ‘party machines’ tell us about the crucial element in each NLM?

            Frequently NLMs were brutal popular fronts incorporating a vast array of contradictory forces; as Southall writes about South Africa, ‘there was a significant class element within the ANC which was distinctly pro-capitalist’ (92). The black middle class was ‘disproportionately’ influential within NLMs, and sought accommodation with national and international capital. Failure of national liberation once the levers of state power were transferred to an independent government flowed directly from this dominating ‘class element’ within NLMs.

            Alternatives to the National Democratic Revolution were present in the period of decolonisation in the 1950s and 1960s, but particularly in the 1970s and 1980s in southern Africa. These alternatives (and most internal opposition within NLMs) were systematically shut down. One reason for this was what Fanon described as the lack of ideology – an alternative politics to the ‘curse’ of independence – which was, he argued in 1960, the greatest danger facing Africa. On these questions there is also a tendency in the book to confuse Stalinist ‘Marxism–Leninism’ with a richer, emancipatory Marxism represented by the South African historian and critic of NLMs, Baruch Hirson (247).

            Southall's important volume should become essential reading to anyone hoping to unpick the failures of liberation in southern Africa, and from the ashes develop a radical and far-reaching way out of the poverty and underdevelopment that continues to blight the region.

            http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2014.877181

            Note

            1.

            The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was established in 1921. In the face of the Suppression of Communism Act in 1950, the party was forced to dissolve and the underground successor South African Communist Party (SACP) was founded in 1953.

            Author and article information

            Journal
            CREA
            crea20
            Review of African Political Economy
            Review of African Political Economy
            0305-6244
            1740-1720
            March 2014
            : 41
            : 139 , Ruth First: Não vamos esquecer (We will not forget)
            : 157-159
            Affiliations
            [ a ] ROAPE Editorial Working Group
            Author notes
            Article
            877181
            10.1080/03056244.2014.877181
            bbb3572a-44cb-4dca-b6ab-580177a3486d

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            Categories
            Book Review
            Book reviews

            Sociology,Economic development,Political science,Labor & Demographic economics,Political economics,Africa

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