268
views
0
recommends
+1 Recommend
1 collections
    0
    shares

      This article like the rest of this issue of the Review of African Political Economy is openly accessible without the need to subscribe or register.

      For 50 years, ROAPE has brought our readers path-breaking analysis on radical African political economy in our quarterly review, and for more than ten years on our website. Subscriptions and donations are essential to keeping our review and website alive. Please consider subscribing or donating today.

      scite_
       
      • Record: found
      • Abstract: found
      • Article: found
      Is Open Access

      The political debate and the struggle for democracy in Nigeria

      Published
      research-article
      Review of African Political Economy
      Review of African Political Economy
      Bookmark

            Abstract

            The cream of political scientist in Nigeria met in Lagos under the auspices of the Nigerian Political Science Association in May 1986 to discuss the theme, Alternative Political Futures for Nigeria: 1990 and Beyondas part of the debate towards a new political system. During the deliberations, oneof the major issues that arose was whether there should be a recommendation that Nigeria should return to some form of liberal democratic arrangement in 1990. The Conference resolved not to make any such recommendation. What was important about that decision was that a sizable number of both right wing and left wing protagonists converged on the conclusion that political scientists had no business proposing a liberal democratic framework. For the right wing, the reasoning was straight forward. One of their representatives, Inno Ukaeje argued that if Nigeria wants to develop, it must develop a Garrison‐Managerial State System which means that:

            by 1990 the country should adopt a new form of government based mainly and purely on the rule of the armed forces and the police utilising coercionas the proper basis for securing the compliance of citizens with the laws of the polity, (emphasis in the original).

            Many of the left wing protagonists at the Conference correctly identified the multiparty liberal democratic form of government as bourgeois but wrongly concluded that socialists had no business struggling for a ‘bourgeois form’. Most of them argued that Nigeria should have a popular one party socialist system, some form of corporate system based on representation of popular organisations or at the very least a two party system with a conservative capitalist party face to face with a socialist revolutionary party. This situation they argued would simplify and bring to the fore the ideological struggle and thereby hasten the transition to socialism.

            The views expressed at the Conference were fairly representative of the general tenor of the present political debate in which liberal democracy is no longer assumed to be part of the desired civic culture and in which authoritarian political forms are being openly propagated as inevitable or even desirable. This is a new development in the Nigerian political psyche that could be a harbinger of the new reassertion of fascism, spearheaded by the Americans and their institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank the world over, the policies and the world views of which are beginning to take root in this country. It is worthy of note that in the 1940s and 1950s, there was an unquestioned linkage between the acquistion of independence and the establishment of a Parliamentary form of bourgeois democracy. The debate that occurred concerned the structure around which this form was to be organised. The crisis generated by the contradictions inherent in the structures and processes chosen led to a collapse of the whole system by 1966 and the entry of the military into politics.

            The military were, however, seen and they saw themselves as a transitional team to steer the country until a new democratic form could be arrived at. This is why until the time of the handover of power to the Shagari regime in 1979, the desirability of some form of democratic government for the country was never seriously questioned. The political debate at that time was directed at solving some of the perceived constraints and contradictions of the previous democratic experiment. It is only in the present political debate that there is an orchestrated open campaign against liberal democracy and for some form of authortarian government.

            This new tendency started becoming clear in 1982 when the Nigerian ruling class began to articulate the necessity for control and coercion to resolve the country's economic crisis. The inability of president Shehu Shagari and General Muhammadu Buhari to properly ‘manage’ this control and coercion played a major role in the inability of their regimes to survive. The Babangida administration is learning from their mistakes and striving to surpass them. It is thus not surprising that any political debate conducted under this atmosphere would reflect the state of the nation.

            The central political question that arises at this point is that as much as the Nigerian ruling classes are being compelled to move towards fascism, liberals and socialists have a stake in combatting that move. Their survival as well as their capacity to advance their politics might well depend upon being able to block the advance of fascism, hence the need for a liberal intervention in the current political debate. Against this background, left‐wing authoritarianism tends to weaken the much needed anti‐fascist solidarity of socialists and liberals.

            Content

            Author and article information

            Journal
            crea20
            CREA
            Review of African Political Economy
            Review of African Political Economy
            0305-6244
            1740-1720
            December 1986
            : 13
            : 37
            : 38-48
            Article
            8703698 Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 13, No. 37, December 1986, pp. 38-48
            10.1080/03056248608703698
            8810ed42-fa74-4b25-9549-73a03573f271

            All content is freely available without charge to users or their institutions. Users are allowed to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission of the publisher or the author. Articles published in the journal are distributed under a http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

            History
            Page count
            Figures: 0, Tables: 0, References: 4, Pages: 11
            Categories
            Original Articles

            Sociology,Economic development,Political science,Labor & Demographic economics,Political economics,Africa

            Bibliographic note

            1. Ukaeje Inno. . 1986. . ‘The Garrison‐Managerial State: An Alternative to Civilian Rule in 1990’. In: . NPSA Conference; . . 1986 ; , Lagos .

            2. Nnoli O.. ‘An Interim Political Arrangement for Nigeria’. In: . a paper presented at the ASUU National Seminar on the Political Debate at Kano on 28.3.86; .

            3. Tukur M.M. and Darah G.G.. ‘Time for Government of Workers and Peasants’. In: . Communique of ASUU National Conference on the Political Debate Kano 28/3/86; .

            4. Hunt A.. 1980. . “‘Taking Democracy Seriously’. ”. In Marxism and Democracy . , Edited by: Hunt Alan. . London : : Lawrence and Wishart. .

            Comments

            Comment on this article