Histories of Namibia: Living through the liberation struggle, Life Histories told to Colin Leys and Susan Brown (Merlin Press, London, 2005., viii + 165. Reviewed by Lionel Cliffe.
Here are collected the life stories of 11 Namibians, narrated to the editors during the transition to Independence and just after, although most add a postscript of what their life has involved in the years since Independence. All but one of them 'belong to a generation of activists which made an indelible mark on Namibia's final struggle for independence – people born in the 1950s, schooled in the 1960s, and activists against apartheid by the 1970s.
The editors provide the background against which to situate these stories – the roots of the liberation struggle, the national and international struggles against South Africa's formulae for Namibia, the exile and internal movements and the contexts they offered. But the Introduction does more than rehearse familiar ground. It brings out how colonial practices shaped and constrained the everyday life of young Namibians growing up in the capital and its segregated township of Katutura, in small and large towns or rural areas in the 1960s and 70s, and the changes, especially as education became available, that offered some new life prospects and avenues for political mobilisation. These themes are brought vividly to life by the stories.
The book makes no claim that this batch of stories is in any sense representative. The restriction to English speakers admittedly means it does not reflect ‘the great majority of small farmers, or of women, or of the rank and file soldiers of PLAN who bore the brunt of the fighting’ (SWAPO's military arm˙. One might add that, in a book whose Introduction sees the division between ‘north and south’ as ‘perhaps the greatest obstacle of all to a national movement’, the northern half of the population has only three voices. Partly as a result of this ‘sampling’ of people with education and from the south, those who suffered the very real atrocities of detention within SWAPO feature more than those PLAN fighters who did not come under such suspicion.
Nevertheless, the claim of ‘extraordinary diversity’ of experiences is certainly borne out by the collection as a whole, and the richness of these personal accounts is insightful – and frequently moving. They do indeed flesh out the more generalised histories of the period. In particular, they illuminate key aspects of the struggle. For instance, one question that was very much at issue between SWAPO and the South Africans at the time of the case-fire and the transition to Independence was just what presence did PLAN have on the ground in Namibia, then and at previous stages of the struggle. Some evidence of SWAPO operations inside Namibia is found in some of the accounts. One, for instance, describes being part of campaigns to give substance to the decision of SWAPO's high command in 1980 to establish permanent bases inside Namibia. He recounts missions into the ‘triangle’ in the north where white-owned farms were concentrated, in Damaraland a little further south and even in the remote Kaokoveld in the far north-west and engagements with the South African Defence Forces, but also how such ventures were forced back as the SADF moved into Angola.
The complexity of the relationship between the national struggle and that for women's emancipation is illustrated in some of the stories. One in particular stresses the burden that apartheid imposed on women leaving so many to bring up children on their own. She offers an account of the activities of the Women's Voice in the 1980s a vigorous movement that went beyond the concerns of SWAPO's Women's Council and got abuse from party leaders for its troubles.
Another dimension that the collection brings out is what one of them calls the ‘fourth front’. As well as the frequently reiterated slogan of SWAPO that it was fighting on military, political and diplomatic fronts, the ‘educational front’ was often added. This perspective thereby linked the personal and political agendas – in some instances the personal was the major motive: ‘I am going to study, I am not going to join SWAPO in the war’, says one only to find he has to join to get access to education. In fact the saga of the search for education again illustrated the vast array of divergent experiences, taking various contributors to studies in Bulgaria, Soviet Union, UK, USA, South Africa and Zambia, several to postgraduate level. These openings were often pursued at great cost. One recounts setting off on foot with 5 Rand in his pocket on a trek that took him to Angola and Zaire, and ultimately USSR and Finland. A woman describes how her determination to seeing through her education lead to her being taken to her degree examinations in South Africa on a stretcher after a bad accident.
Here are rich testimonies that give flesh to the broader political and social processes at work in Namibia over the last generation that deserve to be read – and enjoyed.
AISA addressing the spiral of hatred & wars in Africa
John W. Forje
Towards the Sustainable Peace: The Theory and Practice of Preventive Diplomacy in Africa by Hussein Solomon (ed.). (2004., Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA), No.13. 313 pages, ISBN 079830167-8, US$30 or R120 pb.
Sudan Peace Process: Challenges and Future Prospects by Korwa G. Adar, John G, Nyout & Eddy Maloka (eds.) (2004), Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA), Pretoria. 297 pages, ISBN 079880180-5, US$20 or R90 pb.
Realising Democracy and Legitimacy in Southern Africa by Kenneth Good (2004), Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA) / African Century Publications No. 15. 184 pages. ISBN 079830171 6, US$20 or R90 pb.
No doubt since 11 September 2001, the world has certainly become grimmer and more intolerant, a place of fear and loathing with suspicion of the big brother and dark murmur dogging every day. However, the spiral of hatred and conflict started long before 11 September attacks – a day that terrorism changed the world, perhaps forever. Events of human destruction in Africa have to a large extent been swept under the carpet since 2001. Africa continues to be under theorem of conflict, hatred and destruction. The weapons of human destruction through the help of the technology of violence have and continue to leave its mark on the lives of the people.
By all standards Africa is wracked by conflicts. The virus of wars, abject poverty, genocide, exclusion and underdevelopment reign supreme. From the Biafra war of the 1960s, through the Rwanda genocide a decade ago to the ongoing genocide in Sudan, the undecided situation in Somalia, the continent remains the most troubled spot in the world keeping aside the War and Politics of Oil ravaging Iraqi and the Middle East nations. To question is simple. The answer, of course, is not that simple.
The three publications in question look at the carnage that most unfortunately continue to rock the continent and the need to put in place a culture of democratic governance as the way forward to arresting the plethora of problems in Africa. Why has Africa become the conflict of ‘conflict and genocide’ with many of its people on the run? The publications make a conscious effort to understand the causes of conflicts and that the petals of conflicts must be eroded for Africa to claim its rightful place in the ever-evolving global village of the 21stcentury. This can best be done through a legitimate and democratic governance system. At the same time, it looks at the plethora of wars as anathema to the notion of an African renaissance. It argues for serious structural changes within the social structure and institutional set up of the governance system. The democratisation process and good governance must be given a chance for Africa to make its mark on the world scene and usher in an era of a sustainable, quality livelihood to the vast majority of the people.
For an African renaissance to be a reality requires radical and concerted changes on all fronts, articulate leadership, sense of vision and values of human solidarity, which currently is threatened by crass materialism, and pursuit of social goals of instant gratification to use the words of the former President Nelson Mandela of South Africa. The publications from AISA are crying out for a just and enduring solution to the problems of the people in Sudan and the rest of Africa facing similar predicament. It is important that the people of the continent renounce the use of force to resolve differences; disband and disarm terrorist groups; respect each country's sovereignty and territorial integrity; cease support to any rebel groups; embark on a democratic governance policy that builds on the policy of inclusion, power to the people and equal opportunities for all, and the respect for basic human rights.
One may argue that a major problem confronting the continent is that of leadership guided by a governance system that reaches out to all. These books touch on some of these issues in different ways. It is hoped the publications will open new vistas to the people to seek new paths for building a healthy continent. In that direction there is need to build strong political systems, for political systems are somewhat like living organisms in that they change overtime, but more accurately, political systems are what political actors (government leaders and those who choose to influence them. make them, but political actors cannot always do as they wish. In a way, these books are interested in the form of government a given country has.
In this sense, they ask at least three broad questions. What are the purposes of government (the end of politics)? What do governments do (the functions of politics)? Who exercises political power (the processes of politics)? Transitional societies are confronting with a number of clusters of political problems, namely: ambivalence and frustration related to modernisation, internal cleavages based on subnational loyalties, political instability, conflict over natural resources, inequality in the distribution of the wealth of the nation, and prominence of the military in politics. Military rather than political approaches are often deployed in solving socio-economic and political problems of the nation.
Beginning with Towards Sustainable Peace – Reflections on Preventive Diplomacy in Africa, dedicated to the ‘peace-making’ role of Sir Ketumile Masire, former President of Botswana, the 313 page book is a thought provoking publication spread over seven chapters, analysing the scourges of conflicts in Sierra Leone, Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Angola and Mozambique. These are countries that to a large extent have known no peace since the attainment of independence. Conflicts, wars and other disturbances remain a serious tragedy on many levels. It is a tragedy because of the thousands of lives lost and families displaced in all these countries. It is a tragedy because of resources diverted to war that would have been better spent on improving the quality of life of the people. It is a tragedy because, instead of building their economies, they are destroying each other's livelihood
Anton du Plessis's section on ‘Preventive Diplomacy: Origins and Theory’ (pp.10-41) takes a critical look at two tracts of diplomacy from the perspectives of ‘peace-making’ which is accredited to Second UN Secretary General, Dag Hammerskjold. The book provides an overview of the origins of preventive diplomacy and gives an account of select theoretical dimensions as the basis for contextualising and operationalising what may be seen at times as ambiguous concept. A concept used specifically to refer to UN involvement in preventing conflict from spreading to super powers and thus igniting a third world war. The second aspect, that of ‘Citizen Diplomacy’ – refers to the non-governmental organisation role to undertake humanitarian aid, mediation and social improvement. The two tracks converge into what could be labelled ‘multi-track’ diplomacy. The two do not seek to compete but complement and reinforce each other. In so doing, these publications raise pertinent issues that concern the level of political will on the part of governments to participate in peacemaking and peace-building in war-torn countries: whether states have the required financial capability to fulfil this commitment: and what has been the level of voluntary contributions of states towards the AU Peace Fund?
From Sierra Leone to Sudan through the Democratic Republic of Congo down to Angola and Mozambique the different contributors present a comprehensive analytical discourse of the carnage of conflicts, wars and genocide that continues to ravage the continent, and efforts through preventive diplomacy as a mechanism by which to prevent conflicts from escalating to the level of large-scale violence. The chapter on Sierra Leone by Fred Noyes (pp. 44-99) presents an overall perspective on the opportunities for positive external intervention – diplomatic as well as military, and the role played by the Economic Community of West African States Cease-Fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) – ECOWAS peacekeeping Force and The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Noye's argument is that if both regional and international actors had demonstrated greater commitment from the onset, the conflict or war would have been stopped much earlier and human sufferings greatly reduced.
Sudan remains a problem area gradually building up to a more serious form of genocide than what was witnessed in Rwanda a decade ago. Incidentally, given the sensitivities of the conflict, diplomatic interventions, let alone preventive initiatives are still to make the necessary breakthrough in bringing peace to the region. Sudan remains Africa's longest-running war as noted by Paul Nantulya's paper on preventive diplomacy in Sudan. The DRC has been in conflict since its rise to independence more than four decades ago. Uli Mans's article argues that the ‘belligerents’ commitment to attesting to an accord was fundamentally different to their preparedness to comply with the given provisions of such an accord'. The author goes further to situate the role of the academia in addressing issues of such a nature by asserting:
the academic discourse on international conflict management is closely surveying the recent events in the DRC. Apart of that academic mission, we need to know what to expect from the international community, the Africa Union and South Africa in the near future, and if we ca draw conclusions from the diplomatic milestones and their respective Implications is prevented (pp)180-236).
It is an interesting publication on preventive diplomacy – successes and failures – within the African political landscape which students of political science, African studies, international relations, non-governmental organisations, the international community and the general public will find handy and how to move on from past failure to better actions in future. For example, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa stuck to an approach characterised as ‘quiet diplomacy’– indicative of a determination not only to help create peace in war-torn countries like the DRC, Burundi and Sudan, but to also prevent the collapse of the Zimbabwean state. These together with the efforts of other leaders involved in the peace process gives the way forward for a new continental security architecture dedicated to conflict prevention, mitigation and post-conflict reconstruction much needed in the war-torn areas of the continent
Sudan Peace Process: Challenges and Future Prospects is a publication assessing Africa's second carnage after the Rwanda genocide in the Dafur region of Sudan, where tribal realities have degenerated into genocide and the country is being torn apart. The first chapter looks at the issues to the peace initiative process by the non-government authority on development (IGAD) highlighting initiatives undertaken by the Kenyan High Commissioner, under the theme, ‘Conflict Resolution in Sudan: Stakeholder Perspective’. Chapter two – ‘National, Regional and Global perspectives’ looks at regional and international dimensions of the Sudanese's Peace Process, the internal and external contexts of oil politics and political alliances emerging among the different Sudanese stakeholders.
The argument in chapter two on ‘war and peace politics’ is that the SPLM/A manifesto does not necessarily prefer cessation to unity. However, the question is that of establishing a mechanism to apply an equitable distribution of and wealth. Constitutionalism and democratisation trends in post-war Sudan make up part three addressing the legal implications of the peace process as well as the future of democracy and the South-South dialogue. The authors conclude that the challenge for both Muslims and Christians in Sudan is not to pursue reasons for a new reality, in which Islam and Christianity provide the basis for prosperity and development, instead of reverting to past excuses for conflict and destruction.
Sudan remains a country in crisis and only the Sudanese can best address their internal problems. Saying this does not imply that the international community should abandon the people to their fate but exert greater pressure through the framework of preventive diplomacy and other conflict resolving mechanisms to enable the people live in peace and harmony in spite of their cultural, religious and ethnic diversities.
This is an interesting case examining not only in a holistic perspective, the prevailing situation and future challenges facing Sudan, but brings into sharp focus for the African Union to become an active partner in the process of conflict resolution and good governance throughout the continent. The authors have deployed the methodological approach of multi-track diplomacy and research to produce what could be seen as an up-todate critical analysis of the Sudanese crisis. Students of strategic studies, conflict resolution and management, political science and international relations will find the book an added value to their collections and reading
Realising Democracy and Legitimacy penetrates into issues of the in-tricks and other vices for derailing the democratisation process by authoritarian forces and corrupt tendencies emanating from inherited institutions as well as from emerging ruling elites. It addresses issues of authoritarian liberalism in Botswana – citizen-based democracy in aspiration; presidentialism in practice in Namibia and South Africa's open politics of capacity building, accountability, and popular participation and ethical government.
To begin with, it is a publication that seeks to interpret the important distinctions that exist between Botswana and its neighbours. It maintains that given Botswana's experience, a growth economy and rising relatively high per capita incomes are not in themselves, as often suggested, a sufficient basis for real democracy. The position taken in respect of South Africa is that the country holds the best possibility of creating a more open, accountable and participatory democracy than previously known in Africa, or even elsewhere. Development since the collapse of the apartheid system supports this theoretical analysis. A decade after the disappearance of apartheid the optimism for democracy in Southern Africa is growing much stronger. Compared to other African countries, South Africa holds the key to the implantation of democratic government in the continent and the hosting of the Pan-African Parliament, hopefully should be an added value to the nurturing of the basic tenets of democracy in a continent that has known nothing but wars, conflicts, corruption, abject poverty, exploitation, authoritarian rule and poor management. There is need for a holistic and focused approach to the plethora of problems confronting the continent, or else the region may degenerate into a state of civil conflict; there is every indication that this could eventually happen – if not properly handled. The economic situation in most of the countries remain deplorable and could be the breeding passage for further conflicts.
It is a book that concentrates on addressing liberal democracies as practiced in Botswana, Namibia and South Africa, yet at the same time establishing important distinctive differences existing between the three countries. The author argues that though South Africa is the most democratic state within the continent, it does not obscure the severe limitations of the liberal model, and the need to establish other and broader definitions of democracy. It is an interpretative dynamic, interesting and significant book on democracy in theory and practice in Africa. It sends the message that democracy governance, peace and security have evaded the African continent and for some yet, there will continue to be a certain level of fuzziness in its application
Conclusion
These publications make a serious contribution to African commitments to conflict prevention, management and peacemaking as well as draw attention to the urgent need for the continent to endorse the road map for building a culture of democratic governance, politics of inclusion and social justice for all. The books also send the message of people learning to cohabit peacefully in spite of their cultural diversities and that cultural diversity should be embraced as assets, not liabilities, in the development process.
In different ways, these publications hammer on human security and the democratisation as the key in protecting the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedom and human fulfilment. The issue of democracy is a catchy word, but democracy to be functional must be home grown, not imported by respecting the fundamental tenets of liberty in all its facets: right to expression, right choose and dismiss elected leaders in a free and fair electoral system, access to all human necessities, among others. The shift from ‘state’ and ‘regime’ security approaches to a more ‘human-centred’ approach has arisen out of the realisation of the need to emphasise day-to-day issues in the security, political and economic discourse of the country, region and continent.
However, the books raise the issue that although state compliance with these commitments is supposed to improve the human security status and democratisation process of African citizens, Africans' involvement in or knowledge about these issues remains minimal at best. Furthermore, civil society involvement has been largely absent. It is therefore imperative that the norms and values underpinning the ideal of good governance be given new scholarly discourses, create a platform for educating and include the broader civil society in the decision-making and implementation processes of the commitments in building a sustainable African society. A fundamental reshaping of its economies, politics, and societies leading to institutional structures and value systems which prize creativity, innovation and a spirit of enterprise as well as a deep concern for social justice leading to the well-being of the people remain fundamental
John W. Forje , Department of Political Science, University of Yaounde, Cameroon; e-mail: jowifor@yahoo.fr
Books received
- 1.
Disabling Globalisation: Places of power in post-apartheid South Africa by Gillian Hart. Univ. of California Press, 2005.
- 2.
Eroding Local Capacity: International Humanitarian Action In Africa by Monica Kathina Juma and Astri Suhrke (eds.) (2005). The Nordic Africa Institute.
- 3.
Guerrilla Government: Political Changes in the Southern Sudan During the 1990s by Oystein H. Rolandsen (2005). The Nordic Africa Institute.
- 4.
The Character of Kingship by Declan Quigley (ed). Published by Berg New York, Pb £18.99.
- 5.
Unfinished Business: Ethiopia and Eritrea at War by Dominique Jacquin-Berdal and Martin Plaut (eds.). Published by Red Sea Press, £19.99.
- 6.
Suffering for Territory: Race, Place, and Power in Zimbabwe by Donald S. Moore. Duke University Press. pb £15.95.
- 7.
Dilemmas of Domination: the Unmaking of the American Empire by Walden Bello. Published by Zed Books, £12.99.
- 8.
Reinventing Development: Translating Rights-based Approaches from the Theory into Practice by Paul Gready & Jonathan Ensor (eds.). Published by Zed Books, £16.95.
- 9.
The Millennium Development Goals: Raising the Resources to Tackle World Poverty by Fantu Cheru & Colin Bradford (eds.). Published by Zed Books, £18.95.
- 10.
Precolonial Nigeria: Essays in Honour of Toyin Falola by Akinwumi Ogundiran (ed.). Red Sea Press, $39.99.
- 11.
Modern Algeria: the Origins and Development of a Nation by John Ruedy. Indiana University Press.
- 12.
East Africa: In Search of National and Regional Renewal by Felicia Arudo Yieke (ed.). Codesiria Books.
- 13.
Nkrumah's Legacy and Africa's Triple Heritage Between Globalization and Counter Terrorism by Ali Mazrui. Distributor: African Books Collective, £9.95.
- 14.
Central Africa: Crises, Reform and Reconstruction by E.S.D. Fomin and John W. Forje (eds.). Distributor: African Books Collective, £19.95.
- 15.
African Political Parties: Evolution, Institutionalisation and Governance by M.A. Mohamed Salih (ed.). Publisher: Pluto Press.
- 16.
Media and Democracy in Africa by Goran Hyden, Michael Leslie & Folu F. Ogundimu (eds.). Published by Transaction Publishers.
- 17.
African Renaissance by Fantu Cheru. Published by Zed Books.
- 18.
The New Conditionality: the Politics of Poverty Reduction Strategies by Jeremy Gould (ed.). Published by Zed Books, £16.95.
- 19.
Beyond Territory and Scarcity: Exploring Conflicts over Natural Resource Management by Quentin Gausset, Michael A. Whyte, Torben Birch-Thomsen (eds.). Publisher: The Nordic Africa Institute, £26.95.
- 20.
Globalization Neo-conservative Politics and Democratic Alternatives: Essays in Honour of John Loxley by A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, Robert Chernomas, Ardeshir Sepehri (eds.). Arbeiter Ring Publishing.
- 21.
Rethinking the Economics of War: the Intersection of Need, Creed, and Greed by Cynthia J. Arnson and I. William Zartman (eds.). Woodrow Wilson Center Press/ The Johns Hopkins University Press, £15.50.
- 22.
Earth Democracy: Justice, Sustainability and Peace by Vandana Shiva ISBN 1 84277 777 7, Pb. 15.99. Published by Zed Books.