This article considers religious, social, political, and economic dimensions of the Saudi-Wahhabi state imagination. Since the inception, the Saudi state has relied on two main pillars: the monarchy and Wahhabism, which have been in a symbiotic relationship. In time, the state imagination in Saudi Arabia has been determined and reconstructed by factors like Wahhabism, monarchism, rentierism, internal and international political and economic obligations, and modernization efforts imposed by being a “nation state.” Those factors made Saudi Arabia a sui generis state. The legitimacy of the monarchy has been ensured through tribalism and, on a larger scale, religion. Foreign aid, booties, oil revenues, and, on a rather insignificant scale, tax revenues have created a material infrastructure to build citizenship.
Henri Lauzière, “The Construction of Salafiyya: Reconsidering Salafism from the Perspective of Conceptual History,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 42:3 (August 2010), 370–371.
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For Saudi activities through Wahhabism and money in Pakistan, for example, see David Waterman, “Saudi Wahhabi Imperialism in Pakistan,” Socialiniu Mokslu Studijos 6:2 (2014), 242–258.
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This constitutes a striking contradiction for today's Saudi Arabia, being one of the richest and most effective Muslim countries and a close ally of the US.
David Commins, The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2006), 24.
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Ibid.
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To my mind, this is because of the Wahhabism's universalistic claims upon the entire Islamic world.
Thomas Hegghammer, “Islamist Violence in Saudi Arabia,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 36:3 (December 2009), 395.
Ironically, Saudis are well known for their strong yearning for technology since the country has sprouted and improved with the geological oil discoveries, and the same is true for the developments about water and other technological improvements. For more detail, see Fred H. Lawson, “Keys to the Kingdom: Current Scholarship on Saudi Arabia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 43:4 (November 2011), 744.
One of the most referred groups when examining the historical roots of the Salafism.
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Baskan and Wright, “Seeds Of Change,” 102.
See, for example, Marko Rakic and Dragisa Jurisic, “Wahhabism as a Militant Form of Islam on Europe's Doorstep,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 35 (2012), 651.
Waterman, “Saudi Wahhabi Imperialism,” 250.
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Thomas Hegghammer, “Islamist Violence and Regime Stability in Saudi Arabia,” International Affairs 84:4 (July 2008), 702 and 705.
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Abir, Saudi Arabia , 3–13.
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Ibid., 78.
Ibid., 82.
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See Fahad M. Alsultan, “The Saudi King: Power and Limitation in the Saudi Arabian Foreign Policy Making,” International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 3:5 (September 2013), 457–460.
Paul Aarts, “The Middle East: A Region without Regionalism or the End of Exceptionalism,” Third World Quarterly 20:5 (1999): 919.
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See Michaela Prokop, “Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Education,” International Affairs 79:1 (January 2003), 80.
Steffen Hertog, Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats: Oil and the State in Saudi Arabia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010), 82.
Commins, The Wahhabi Mission , 127.
Ibid., 108, 110.
Aarts, “The Middle East,” 912.
Dale C. Eikmeier, “Qutbism: An Ideology of Islamic-Fascism,” Parameters 37, no. (Spring 2007), 87.
Natana J. Delong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 125
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Ross, “Oil, Islam, and Women,” 109.
Ibid., 107.
Deutsche Welle Turkish, “Yangından artık kızlar da kurtarılabilecek” May 17, 2010, http://www.dw.com/tr/yang%C4%B1ndan-art%C4%B1k-k%C4%B1zlar-da-kurtar%C4%B1labilecek/a-5581792, accessed October 1, 2017
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Muhammad Al Atawnah, Wahhabi Islam Facing the Challenges of Modernity (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 101–102.
BBC News , “Saudi Arabia's Women Vote in Election for First Time,” December 12, 2015, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-35075702, accessed: November 12, 2016
Al-Alawi, “Saudi Arabia.”