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      Saudi Society and the State: Ideational and Material Basis

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            Abstract

            This article considers religious, social, political, and economic dimensions of the Saudi-Wahhabi state imagination. Since the inception, the Saudi state has relied on two main pillars: the monarchy and Wahhabism, which have been in a symbiotic relationship. In time, the state imagination in Saudi Arabia has been determined and reconstructed by factors like Wahhabism, monarchism, rentierism, internal and international political and economic obligations, and modernization efforts imposed by being a “nation state.” Those factors made Saudi Arabia a sui generis state. The legitimacy of the monarchy has been ensured through tribalism and, on a larger scale, religion. Foreign aid, booties, oil revenues, and, on a rather insignificant scale, tax revenues have created a material infrastructure to build citizenship.

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            Author and article information

            Journal
            10.13169
            arabstudquar
            Arab Studies Quarterly
            Pluto Journals
            02713519
            20436920
            Fall 2017
            : 39
            : 4
            : 996-1017
            Article
            arabstudquar.39.4.0996
            10.13169/arabstudquar.39.4.0996
            f356b605-425d-4a8a-ba2e-eb76c9ed42c4
            © 2017 The Center for Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies

            All content is freely available without charge to users or their institutions. Users are allowed to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission of the publisher or the author. Articles published in the journal are distributed under a http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

            History
            Categories
            Articles

            Social & Behavioral Sciences
            Saudi Arabia,rentier state,state/nation building,monarchism,Wahhabism,tribalism,oil money

            Notes

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            5. For Saudi activities through Wahhabism and money in Pakistan, for example, see , “Saudi Wahhabi Imperialism in Pakistan,” Socialiniu Mokslu Studijos 6:2 (2014), 242–258.

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            9. This constitutes a striking contradiction for today's Saudi Arabia, being one of the richest and most effective Muslim countries and a close ally of the US.

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            37. Ibid.

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            43. To my mind, this is because of the Wahhabism's universalistic claims upon the entire Islamic world.

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            45. Ironically, Saudis are well known for their strong yearning for technology since the country has sprouted and improved with the geological oil discoveries, and the same is true for the developments about water and other technological improvements. For more detail, see , “Keys to the Kingdom: Current Scholarship on Saudi Arabia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 43:4 (November 2011), 744.

            46. One of the most referred groups when examining the historical roots of the Salafism.

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            48. According to ICNL, more than half of the hundreds of CSO's in Saudi Arabia are charities, and most are government-affiliated. “Civil society remains underdeveloped, largely because it has been subject to a restrictive legal framework and capricious implementation that allowed some organizations to form and register, but not others. This restrictive environment persists despite Saudi society's cultural and social heritage, which includes religious laws that call for civic work in various areas,” see ICNL, “Civic Freedom Monitor: Saudi Arabia,” (July 2017), www.icnl.org/research/monitor/saudiarabia.html, accessed September 8, 2017.

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            59. , Saudi Arabia , 3–13.

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            63. Ibid., 78.

            64. Ibid., 82.

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            67. , Oil Monarchies , 86–98.

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            72. , “The Middle East: A Region without Regionalism or the End of Exceptionalism,” Third World Quarterly 20:5 (1999): 919.

            73. Center for Religious Freedom of Freedom House, “Saudi Arabia's Curriculum of Intolerance,” 2006, https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/CurriculumOfIntolerance.pdf, accessed October 11, 2016

            74. See , “Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Education,” International Affairs 79:1 (January 2003), 80.

            75. , Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats: Oil and the State in Saudi Arabia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010), 82.

            76. , The Wahhabi Mission , 127.

            77. Ibid., 108, 110.

            78. , “The Middle East,” 912.

            79. , “Qutbism: An Ideology of Islamic-Fascism,” Parameters 37, no. (Spring 2007), 87.

            80. , Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 125

            81. , “Oil, Islam, and Women,” American Political Science Review 102 (February 2008), 107.

            82. , “Oil, Islam, and Women,” 109.

            83. Ibid., 107.

            84. Deutsche Welle Turkish, “Yangından artık kızlar da kurtarılabilecek” May 17, 2010, http://www.dw.com/tr/yang%C4%B1ndan-art%C4%B1k-k%C4%B1zlar-da-kurtar%C4%B1labilecek/a-5581792, accessed October 1, 2017

            85. , “Saudi Arabia: Wahhabis vs. Women,” Gatestone Institute, 2010, https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/1133/saudi-arabia-wahhabis-vs-women, accessed October 13, 2016

            86. , “Saudi Arabia,” 88.

            87. , Wahhabi Islam Facing the Challenges of Modernity (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 101–102.

            88. BBC News , “Saudi Arabia's Women Vote in Election for First Time,” December 12, 2015, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-35075702, accessed: November 12, 2016

            89. , “Saudi Arabia.”

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