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      The US in China's Nuclear Threat Perception

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            Abstract

            China's nuclear threat perception, of which its nuclear weapons program is the by-product, is driven by the external strategic environment where the United States (US) is a key player. Chairman Mao Zedong, after the US nuclear intimidation during the Korean War and the Cross-Strait Crises, considered that nuclear weapons were central not only to deter their potential use against China but also to counter the nuclear threat. The geostrategic location of the country makes it vulnerable to a few nuclear powers. However, not all of these states constitute a key concern in Beijing's nuclear threat perception. In this regard, an analysis of the US nuclear weapons program and capabilities would help understand China's nuclear threat perception. The paper aims to explore the threat that China perceives from the US given the latter's growing focus against it, including through its nuclear arsenal. The study, after a brief historical background, begins with a cursory discussion on theoretical underpinnings for threat perception. The next section outlines the US nuclear weapon policy and capability that has a bearing on China's nuclear threat perception. The paper argues that with its intentions and excessive capability, the US is a primary actor in shaping China's nuclear threat perception and altering its long-standing nuclear weapons policy and modernization of its nuclear forces.

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            Author and article information

            Journal
            10.2307/j50009730
            polipers
            Policy Perspectives
            Pluto Journals
            1812-1829
            1812-7347
            1 January 2021
            : 18
            : 1 ( doiID: 10.13169/polipers.18.issue-1 )
            : 53-68
            Affiliations
            [* ]PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science and Public Policy, University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand.
            [** ]Assistant Editor, Policy Perspectives, Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), Islamabad, Pakistan.
            Article
            polipers.18.1.0053
            10.13169/polipers.18.1.0053
            8f7b42a4-752e-430a-ab6b-7149f95df4a6
            © 2021, Institute of Policy Studies

            All content is freely available without charge to users or their institutions. Users are allowed to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission of the publisher or the author. Articles published in the journal are distributed under a http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

            History
            Custom metadata
            eng

            Education,Religious studies & Theology,Social & Behavioral Sciences,Law,Economics
            United States,Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD),Conventional Prompt Strike (CPS),Nuclear Weapons,China

            Notes

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            22. Hans M. Kristensen, Robert S. Norris and Matthew G. McKinzie, Chinese Nuclear Forces and U.S. Nuclear War Planning, report (Washington, DC: The Federation of American Scientists, 2006), 130-134, https://fas.org/nuke/guide/china/Book2006.pdf.

            23. “Excerpts of Classified Nuclear Posture Review,” Nuclear Posture Review Report 2002 (Washington, DC: The Federation of American Scientists, 2002), https://fas.org/wp-content/uploads/media/Excerpts-of-Classified-Nuclear-Posture-Review.pdf.

            24. Ibid.

            25. Department of Defense, GoUS, Nuclear Posture Review Report 2010 (Government of United States, 2010), https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/features/ defenseReviews/NPR/2010_Nuclear_Posture_Review_Report.pdf.

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            27. Department of Defense, GoUS, Nuclear Posture Review 2018 (Government of United States, 2018), https://media.defense.gov/2018/Feb/02/2001872886/-1/-1/1/2018-NUCLEAR-POSTURE-REVIEW-FINAL-REPORT.PDF.

            28. Ibid.

            29. Li Bin, “Will US Nuclear Posture Review See a Return to Hegemony?” Global Times, January 25, 2018, http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1086434.shtml.

            30. Department of Defense, GoUS, Nuclear Posture Review 2018, 32.

            31. Phil Stewart, “Trump Missile Defense Review Calls North Korea ‘Extraordinary Threat’,” Reuters, January 17, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-defense-missiles/trump-missile-defense-review-calls-north-korea-extraordinary-threat-idUSKCN1PB04V.

            32. Reuben Michael Steff, “Deterrence, Global Security and the Long Road to the Deployment of the Bush Administration's Missile Defense System” (PhD diss., University of Otago, 2012), 112-142.

            33. Haynes, “China's Nuclear Threat Perceptions,” 44-52; Tompkins, “How U.S. Strategic Policy is Changing China's Nuclear Plans.”

            34. Qiu Yong, “A Few Comments on the US Ballistic Missile Defense System,” in “Progress Despite Disagreements: The Sixth China–US Strategic Dialogue on Strategic Nuclear Dynamics,” Ralph A. Cossa, Brad Glosserman, and Matt Pottinger, eds., Issues & Insights 12, no. 5 (2011): 29-37, https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/155730/issuesinsights_vol12n5.pdf.

            35. Department of Defense, Missile Defense Review, 2019 (Government of United States, 2019), https://media. defense.gov/2019/Jan/17/2002080666/-1/-1/1/2019-MISSILE-DEFENSE-REVIEW.PDF.

            36. Hans M. Kristensen and Matt Korda, “Chinese Nuclear Forces, 2019,” in “Space: Military Frontier or Arms Control Opportunity?” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 75, no. 4 (2019): 171-178 (173), https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2019.1628511.

            37. “Missiles of China,” Missile Threat Project (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2021), https://missilethreat.csis.org/country/china/; Jen Judson, “Pentagon Hits Pause on Redesign of Critical Homeland Missile Defense Component,” Defense News, May 28, 2019, https://www.defensenews.com/pentagon/2019/05/28/pentagon-hits-pause-on-redesign-of-critical-homeland-missile-defense-component/; Ronald O'Rourke, Navy Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) Program: Background and Issues for Congress, report (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2021), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/RL33745.pdf.

            38. Kristensen and Korda, “Chinese Nuclear Forces, 2020,” 444.

            39. ACA, “Current U.S. Missile Defense Programs at a Glance” (factsheet, Arms Control Association, Washington, DC, 2019), https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/usmissiledefense.

            40. Ibid.

            41. Ibid.

            42. Matt Korda and Hans Kristensen, “US Ballistic Missile Defenses, 2019,” in “Apocalypse Soon? How Civilization Might End—and How to Make Sure it Doesn't,” special issue, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 75, no. 6 (2019): 295-306(296), https://doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2019.1680055.

            43. Ralph A. Cossa, Brad Glosserman, and Matt Pottinger, eds., “Progress Despite Disagreements: The Sixth China–US Strategic Dialogue on Strategic Nuclear Dynamics,” Issues & Insights 12, no. 5 (2011) 11, https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/155730/issuesinsights_vol12n5.pdf.

            44. Ibid.

            45. ACA, “Current U.S. Missile Defense Programs at a Glance.”

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            47. Jeffrey W. Knopf, “The Fourth Wave in Deterrence Research,” Contemporary Security Policy 31, no. 1 (2010): 1-33, https://doi.org/10.1080/13523261003640819.

            48. Keir A. Lieber and Daryl G. Press, “The New Era of Counterforce: Technological Change and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence,” International Security 41, no. 4 (2017): 9-49 (11), https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00273.

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            51. Li Bin and Nie Hongyi, “An Investigation of China – U.S. Strategic Stability,” trans., Gregory Kulacki, World Economics & Politics, no. 2 (2008): 13-19, https://ucsusa.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/Li-and-Nie-translation-final-5-22-09.pdf.

            52. ACA, “Current U.S. Missile Defense Programs at a Glance.”

            53. Ibid.

            54. Tong Zhao, Narrowing the U.S.-China Gap on Missile Defense: How to Help Forestall a Nuclear Arms Race, report (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2020), 5-58, https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Zhao_USChina_MissileDefense.pdf; Li Bin, “Tracking Chinese Strategic Mobile Missiles,” Science and Global Security 15, no. 1 (2007): 1–30, https://doi.org/10.1080/08929880701350197; Lieber and Press, “The New Era of Counterforce: Technological Change and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence”; Tong Zhao, “U.S. Nuclear Primacy and the Future of the Chinese Deterrent,” China Security (Winter 2007): 66–89, https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/29406/cs5_FULL.pdf; and Austin Long and Brendan Rittenhouse Green, “Stalking the Secure Second Strike: Intelligence, Counterforce, and Nuclear Strategy,” Journal of Strategic Studies 38, no. 1–2 (2015): 38–73, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2014.958150.

            55. Ian Williams, “More Than Missiles: China Previews its New Way of War” (brief, Center for Strategic & International Studies, Washington, DC, 2019), https://www.csis.org/analysis/more-missiles-china-previews-its-new-way-war.

            56. Department of Defense, GoUS, Quadrennial Defense Review Report (Government of United States, 2001), 43, http://www.comw.org/qdr/qdr2001.pdf.

            57. Amy F. Woolf, Conventional Prompt Global Strike and Long-Range Ballistic Missiles: Background and Issues, report (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2021), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/nuke/R41464.pdf.

            58. Ibid., 11.

            59. GoUS, The National Military Strategy of the United States of America, (Government of United States, 2004), https://history.defense.gov/Portals/70/Documents/nms/nms2004.pdf?ver=UHt7ntCXi1EO3mgZSqFvNA%3d%3d.

            60. Department of Defense, GoUS, Quadrennial Defense Review Report (Government of United States, 2006), 49-50, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/policy/dod/qdr-2006-report.pdf.

            61. Department of Defense, Quadrennial Defense Review Report (Government of United States, 2010), 32-33, https://history.defense.gov/Portals/70/Documents/quadrennial/QDR2010.pdf?ver=vVJYRVwNdnGb_00ixF0UfQ%3d%3d.

            62. Ibid.

            63. Ibid.

            64. Department of Defense, GoUS, Nuclear Posture Review Report 2010, 34.

            65. Ibid.

            66. Yao Yunzhu, “China Will Not Change Its Nuclear Policy,” China-U.S. Focus, April 22, 2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/china-will-not-change-its-no-first-use-policy; also see Woolf, Conventional Prompt Global Strike and Long-Range Ballistic Missiles: Background and Issues.

            67. M. Taylor Fravel and Fiona S. Cunningham, “Assuring Assured Retaliation: China's Nuclear Posture and U.S.-China Strategic Stability,” International Security 40, no. 2 (2015): 7–50.(20-22, 44), https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00215.

            68. Ibid.

            69. Amy F. Woolf, Conventional Prompt Global Strike and Long-Range Ballistic Missiles: Background and Issues, report (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2019),https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/6271735/Conventional-Prompt-Global-Strike-and-Long-Range.pdf.

            70. Ibid, 4.

            71. National Defense Authorization Act of 2013, Pub. L. No. 112–239—(2013), https://www.congress.gov/112/plaws/publ239/PLAW-112publ239.pdf.

            72. Tong Zhao, “Conventional Counterforce Strike and Damage Limitation” (paper, Sam Nunn School of International Affairs, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, 2011), https://igcc.ucsd.edu/_files/PPNT/NuclearBriefing2presentation1.pdf.

            73. Department of Defense, GoUS, Nuclear Posture Review 2018.

            74. AMS, 战略学 [The Science of Military Strategy 2013], 171.

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