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The Normalization of Pushbacks in Greece: Biopolitics and Racist State Crime
Abstract
The paper discusses pushback operations in Greece as a generalized anti-immigration policy that involves practices constituting racist state crime. Beginning from a description of the illegal operations on the Greek/Turkish borders, this paper examines the constant denial tactics of the government and the response of national, regional and international organizations and institutions. It is shown that pushbacks have become a standardized frontline tool of border management. This phenomenon is approached from a criminological viewpoint in terms of racist state crime and as a racist biopolitical technology of power for the government of the migrant populations, and for the defence of society and national identity. Showing that pushbacks are a becoming a central border policy in Europe, the paper concludes with a discussion of the need for both legal and non-legal counter-strategies.
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From 3,784 land arrivals in 2016, to 6,592 in 2017, 18,014 in 2018 and 14,887 in 2019. (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 2020a).
Regarding Frontex, the paper discusses the illegal practices at the Greek/Turkish borders in terms of state crime. The activities of Frontex stem from the country's membership in the EU. Although Frontex's involvement in the illegal operations could be dealt with as violation of human rights obligations and criminal law legislation, the term “state crime” cannot apply to the activities of the agency. We could argue that Frontex is an accomplice in state crime but not a perpetrator per se.
The most cynical admission is from the alt-right government MP Bogdanos: “We thank the comrades for advertising the government's policies. Yes, boats are now returned—and will be returned—back to Turkey; the order to the Coast Guard is clear, the country has ceased being a lustful for Islam, neo-leftist, illegal-migrant-Disneyland” (Efimerida ton Sintakton 2020).
See the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe (2021) intervention of the Greek government on the issue.
Competition between government agencies and government agents, the sixth characteristic that the author employs (Huggins 2010: 93), was considered not to fit in the comparison. Therefore, the enumeration from there on changes in our adoption of her analysis.
In its most recent report on the visit of March 2020 it calls on the country once again to end pushbacks (European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman and Degrading Treatment 2020).
The then non-member of Nea Dimokratia, and now governmental MP, Plevris has a different opinion: “securing the borders cannot exist if there are no casualties and, to be more clear, if there are no dead!” (Left.gr. 2014).
An interesting aspect regarding this would be the impact of far-right ideas and practices in the ranks of the Greek police: as is shown by Papanicolaou and Papageorgiou (2016), the electoral support of the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn was alarming among the ranks of the Greek police officers' special electoral rolls.
ND and NT v. Spain [GC], nos. 8675/15 and 8697/15, 13 February 2020.
Saadi v. Italy [GC], no. 37201/06 EctHR, 28 February 2008.
With Hirsi Jamaa and Others v. Italy [GC], no. 27765/09, ECtHR 23 February 2012, Sharifi and Others v. Italy and Greece no. 16643/09, ECtHR, 21 October 2014 and other related judgments.