Tuberculosis (TB) remains a legacy of colonialism in Canada; far higher rates persist
among First Nations and Inuit people than non-Indigenous, Canadianborn individuals.1
The roots of this disparity lie in historical governmental policies, which extend
to the institutionalization of Indigenous children in residential schools and, when
these children became ill, hospitals. Analysis of residential school records and related
correspondence, as well as survivor testimony of former students gathered by the Truth
and Reconciliation Commission, reveal the extent of the trauma, hunger and malnutrition
experienced.2 However, the effects, including high morbidity and mortality resulting
from tuberculosis, have been only partially accounted for, as children were transferred
from schools to hospitals when they became ill, and many disappeared from school records.3
Studies of the Indian Hospital System in the late-19th and early- to mid-20th century
can improve our understanding of Canada’s institutional approach to Indigenous people.
4,5 We discuss historical data (1908–1934) on the catchment area and patient demographics
of a facility in southern Manitoba that assumed an important role in managing Indigenous
patients with TB.
The Dynevor Indian Hospital (Figure 1), located three miles from Selkirk, Manitoba,
is perhaps best known for being Canada’s first TB hospital exclusively for Indigenous
people. Established in 1939, the building was purchased by the Federal Department
of Indian Affairs and operated on Ottawa’s behalf by the Sanatorium Board of Manitoba.4
This event marked the start of an era of direct federal intervention on TB among Indigenous
people in Canada through the acquisition and conversion of already existing facilities.
6 By the time of its purchase, the Dynevor building had already served as an Indian
Hospital for 43 years, with a comprehensive set of infirmary records preserved from
1908 to 1934. The infirmary records of Dynevor Indian Hospital document the arrival
of Indigenous patients with a range of health conditions from 43 locations, including
residential schools (Appendix 1, available at www.cmaj.ca/lookup/doi/10.1503/cmaj.221284/tab-related-content).7
Dynevor’s catchment area was expansive, covering much of southern Manitoba and into
northwestern Ontario (Figure 2). The largest number of patients came from the local
First Nations community of St. Peters and the Peguis reserve in the Interlake region.
Peguis was settled by members of St. Peters who had been forced to relocate after
an illegal land purchase by the federal government in 1907.8
Figure 1:
Dynevor Indian Hospital photographed in 1937 (Photo used with permission of the Manitoba
Archives).
Image courtesy of George Harris
Figure 2:
Geographic distribution of inpatient origins at Dynevor (1908–34).
Residential schools transferring children to Dynevor included Cecilia Jeffrey (Ontario)
and Birtle, Brandon and Elkhorn (Manitoba). As an Anglican institution, Dynevor Hospital
accepted transfers from surrounding Protestant schools. The 3 Manitoba schools appear
in the critical 1907 inspection report of Department of Indian Affairs chief medical
officer Peter Bryce9; all 3 had students suffering from TB. Moreover, Bryce found
that for schools established between 1888 and 1905, a period during which all 4 schools
were operational, between 24% and 42% of former students had died of TB.9 In 1925,
W.M. Graham, Indian commissioner, wrote to the superintendent general of Indian Affairs,
stating, “I quite often hear from the Indians, that they do not want to send their
children to school as it is a place where they are sent to die.”10
Conditions did not improve throughout this time or afterward — an observation supported
by Dynevor records that showed students with TB being transferred directly from the
4 identified schools to the hospital between 1930 and 1934. One 13-year-old boy from
the Brandon School spent 245 days in hospital before dying of TB.
Even in the years before Dynevor officially became a TB-dedicated hospital, a common
reason for admission was TB and its sequelae, which accounted for 470 of a total of
2536 recorded admissions for all diagnoses (Appendix 1). The true incidence of TB
among patients at Dynevor is likely higher, as this figure does not count unspecified
“glandular” operations and pulmonary conditions. A dedicated TB wing was built in
1916, with 20 beds. The relative number of males and females who received a diagnosis
of TB was similar (males = 223; females = 246, unknown = 1), but the age distribution
of patients with TB shows a striking pattern. Most (62.1%) of the 470 patients with
TB admitted to Dynevor between 1908 and 1934 were children and youth younger than
20 years. Of all admitted patients with TB, 23% died in hospital; 72% of these deaths
were children and youth younger than 20 years.
Dynevor records confirmed only 9 residential school transfers between 1908 and 1934,
which is far fewer than one would expect from Bryce’s prevalence estimate. What happened
to those missing children is an important question that remains to be answered fully.
For example, a case study of a family’s search for 3 sisters from Cross Lake, Manitoba,
who never returned from residential schools found that all 3 had died of TB in the
1940s. Two of the children had died in Indian Hospitals and 1 in a mental hospital,
having been transferred directly there from her residential school at the age of 15
for what was described as a “mental breakdown.”11
Tuberculosis increased across Canada throughout the 1930s. Dr. David Stewart from
Manitoba, in his 1936 Canadian Medical Association Journal publication, “The Red Man
and the White Plague,” noted that “over 30% of the total deaths from tuberculosis
occur among the Indians, who comprise less than 3% of the total population.”12 Stewart
also rightly placed the blame (and therefore the remedy) on the federal government,
stating, “Not only do we owe the Indian this fair treatment because we took and occupied
his country, but especially because we brought him the disease, tuberculosis, and
so should help him to fight it.”12 However, with an administration indifferent to
Indigenous suffering, it was Stewart’s reframing of the issue as “such tuberculosis-soaked
groups as the Indians, mingling with the general population in the western provinces,
constitute a very great menace to the health and life of the people in general”12
that drew attention to its urgency. A joint federal and provincial TB conference involving
the Department of Indian Affairs and the Canadian Tuberculosis Association was held
in Ottawa in June 1937, a result of which was allocating $50 000 to tackle TB in Manitoba.6
A portion of these funds was used to purchase the Dynevor Indian Hospital, which was
struggling financially by 1939.
Our foray into patient records pre-dating Dynevor’s federal repurposing as a TB hospital
for Indigenous people crystallizes a story of government failure to adequately address
an ongoing and devastating TB health crisis rooted in colonialism, which was first
laid out in examinations of residential school records and inspection reports. Dynevor
mirrored a residential school strategy with patients with TB — mostly children — institutionalized
far from home communities in another denominational facility, perpetuating severed
relationships with families, cultures and languages.13 Justification for the establishment
of TB hospitals for Indigenous people reframed these individuals as sites of contagion
from which settler communities required protection.
We are settler historical health researchers, and direction for further work with
the Dynevor records will be informed through partnerships being developed with Indigenous
stakeholders. The records have the potential to further elucidate the traumas caused
by colonial institutions and access to health care. These traumas, with reflections
in contemporary policy and practice, continue to have inequitable consequences for
Indigenous people in Canada.5,14,15
Supplementary Material
Appendix 1: The Dynevor Records (1908-34)