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      Signaling Honesty: Institutional Strength and Voters’ Concern About Corruption in a Model of Electoral Competition

      research-article
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      Revista Brasileira de Economia
      Fundação Getúlio Vargas
      Corruption, incumbency advantage, political economy

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          Abstract

          Abstract When voters care about the honesty of their political leaders, office-seeker politicians—whether corrupt or not—have strong incentives to behave as if they were actually honest. We build a simple signaling game in which the politician in power is unaware of the share of the electorate who care about corruption. Our model explains some recent findings of the empirical literature on Political Economy, namely that some incumbents engage in anticorruption policies in the last year of their terms (during campaign for reelection), and that incentives to adopt such measures are stronger when the competition for office is fiercer. Among other determinants, we highlight how politicians’ perception of how much voters care about honesty is crucial in their choice. We apply our model to the Brazilian political scenario and show that our predictions are supported by anecdotal evidence and data. In particular, we can explain the change in the behavior of Brazilian incumbents after the 2013 public revolts.

          Translated abstract

          Resumo Quando os eleitores se preocupam com a honestidade de seus líderes políticos, políticos office seekers — sejam corruptos ou não — têm fortes incentivos para se comportar como se fossem realmente honestos. Construímos um jogo simples de sinalização no qual o político no poder desconhece a parcela do eleitorado que se preocupa com a corrupção. Nosso modelo explica algumas descobertas recentes da literatura empírica em Economia Política, a saber, que alguns incumbentes implementam políticas anticorrupção no último ano de seus mandatos (durante a campanha pela reeleição) e que os incentivos para adotar tais medidas são mais fortes quando a concorrência pelo cargo é maior. Entre outros determinantes, destacamos como a percepção dos políticos sobre o quanto os eleitores se preocupam com honestidade é crucial em sua escolha. Aplicamos nosso modelo ao cenário político brasileiro e mostramos que nossas previsões são apoiadas por evidências e dados anedóticos. Em particular, podemos explicar a mudança no comportamento dos incumbentes brasileiros após as manifestações de junho de 2013.

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          Most cited references26

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          Exposing Corrupt Politicians: The Effects of Brazil's Publicly Released Audits on Electoral Outcomes*

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            Spatial Models of Party Competition

            The use of spatial ideas to interpret party competition is a universal phenomenon of modern politics. Such ideas are the common coin of political journalists and have extraordinary influence in the thought of political activists. Especially widespread is the conception of a liberal-conservative dimension on which parties maneuver for the support of a public that is itself distributed from left to right. This conception goes back at least to French revolutionary times and has recently gained new interest for an academic audience through its ingenious formalization by Downs and others. However, most spatial interpretations of party competition have a very poor fit with the evidence about how large-scale electorates and political leaders actually respond to politics. Indeed, the findings on this point are clear enough so that spatial ideas about party competition ought to be modified by empirical observation. I will review here evidence that the “space” in which American parties contend for electoral support is very unlike a single ideological dimension, and I will offer some suggestions toward revision of the prevailing spatial model.
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              Why Resource-poor Dictators Allow Freer Media: A Theory and Evidence from Panel Data

              Every dictator dislikes free media. Yet, many nondemocratic countries have partially free or almost free media. In this article, we develop a theory of media freedom in dictatorships and provide systematic statistical evidence in support of this theory. In our model, free media allow a dictator to provide incentives to bureaucrats and therefore to improve the quality of government. The importance of this benefit varies with the natural resource endowment. In resource-rich countries, bureaucratic incentives are less important for the dictator; hence, media freedom is less likely to emerge. Using panel data, we show that controlling for country fixed effects, media are less free in oil-rich economies, with the effect especially pronounced in nondemocratic regimes. These results are robust to model specification and the inclusion of various controls, including the level of economic development, democracy, country size, size of government, and others.
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                Author and article information

                Journal
                rbe
                Revista Brasileira de Economia
                Rev. Bras. Econ.
                Fundação Getúlio Vargas (Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil )
                0034-7140
                1806-9134
                September 2020
                : 74
                : 3
                : 277-304
                Affiliations
                [1] Porto Alegre Rio Grande do Sul orgnameUniversidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul orgdiv1Faculdade de Ciências Econômicas orgdiv2Departamento Economia e Relações Internacionais Brazil
                [2] Porto Alegre Rio Grande do Sul orgnameUniversidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul Brazil
                Article
                S0034-71402020000300277 S0034-7140(20)07400300277
                10.5935/0034-7140.20200015
                e1cb054d-fbc8-42b5-b515-18e0b60a8fa7

                This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

                History
                : 27 May 2020
                : 31 August 2018
                Page count
                Figures: 0, Tables: 0, Equations: 0, References: 27, Pages: 28
                Product

                SciELO Brazil

                Categories
                Article

                political economy,incumbency advantage,Corruption
                political economy, incumbency advantage, Corruption

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