Video gaming has become one of the most prevalent forms of leisure activity in today’s
societies. The latest data from the Entertainment Software Association (ESA) reported
that approximately 65% of all American adults play video games regularly and that
approximately 75% of households have at least one gamer (Entertainment Software Association,
2019). Video gaming is widely accessible and the most commonly used gaming devices
among adult gamers in the United States of America (USA) are smartphones (60%), personal
computers (52%), and dedicated game consoles (49%) (Entertainment Software Association,
2019). A similar trend has been reported in other countries. For example, in Australia,
the Interactive Games and Entertainment Association (IGEA) recently reported that
67% of all Australians play video games and that 97% of households with children have
computer games (Interactive Games & Entertainment Association, 2017). For the majority
of gamers, the activity leads to positive and beneficial outcomes including psychomotor,
cognitive, therapeutic, and educational benefits (Granic et al., 2013, Griffiths,
2019, Nuyens et al., 2017). In general, gamers report that playing has a positive
impact on their lives, with nearly 80% of all American adult gamers reporting that
games provide mental stimulation, relaxation, and stress relief (Entertainment Software
Association, 2019). Similarly, the majority of Australian gamers report that gaming
helps them improve their thinking skills (84%), dexterity (78%), and manage pain (59%).
Although the great majority of gamers report experiencing similar positive outcomes,
the extant literature has systematically reported detrimental and harmful effects
stemming from excessive gaming, particularly in relation to disordered gaming (Burleigh
et al., 2019, Nuyens et al., 2019, Şalvarlı and Griffiths, 2019, Stavropoulos et al.,
2019). The consequences of excessive and addictive gaming have been researched for
over 35 years (e.g., Harry, 1983, Ross et al., 1982) and the psychiatric importance
of this phenomenon has been steadily increasing since 2013.
In light of the latest conceptual and diagnostic advances in the field, the American
Psychiatric Association (APA) included ‘Internet Gaming Disorder’ (IGD) in the fifth
revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders (DSM-5) (American
Psychiatric Association, 2013) as a tentative addictive disorder warranting further
research. Furthermore, the APA has proposed a diagnostic framework defining IGD as
a condition characterized by disordered gaming behavior leading to significant clinical
impairments within a period of 12 months as indicated by the endorsement of five out
of nine following diagnostic criteria. These criteria include: (i) preoccupation with
games (‘preoccupation’); (ii) withdrawal symptoms when gaming is taken away (‘withdrawal’);
(iii) tolerance, resulting in the need to spend increasing amounts of time gaming
(‘tolerance’); (iv) unsuccessful attempts to control gaming activities (‘loss of control’
and ‘relapse’); (v) loss of interest in previous hobbies and pastime activities as
a result of, and with the exception of, gaming (‘giving up other activities’); (vi)
continued excessive gaming behavior despite the knowledge of psychosocial problems
(‘continuation’); (vii) deceiving family members, therapists, or others regarding
the amount of gaming (‘deception’); (viii) gaming to escape or cope with negative
mood states (‘escape’ and ‘mood modification’); and (ix) jeopardizing or losing significant
relationships, jobs, or education or career opportunities due to gaming (‘negative
consequences’) (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).
More recently, additional developments in the field culminated in the long-awaited
formal recognition of ‘Gaming Disorder’ (GD) as a behavioral addiction by the World
Health Organization (WHO) in May 2019 (Griffiths and Pontes, 2019, Pontes and Griffiths,
2019). Accordingly, GD is characterized by a pattern of online and/or offline gaming
behaviors that is persistent and indicated by the following clinical criteria: impaired
control over gaming (i.e., onset, frequency, intensity, duration, termination, context
– ‘loss of control’); increasing priority given to gaming to the extent that it takes
precedence over other life interests and daily activities (‘giving up other activities’);
and continuation or escalation of gaming despite the occurrence of negative consequences
(‘continuation’). Additionally, these symptoms must occur within a 12-month timeframe
and the behavior pattern must be of sufficient severity and lead to significant impairments
(i.e., personal, family, social, educational, occupational) across important areas
of life (‘negative consequences’) (World Health Organization, 2019).
Given the public health relevance of this emerging phenomenon, researchers must continue
to carry out high-quality research to further improve the current understanding of
GD and the way in which it negatively impacts the life of a minority of gamers. To
this end, previous robust epidemiological research has reported prevalence rates of
GD usually below 5% among nationally representative samples (Pontes, 2018). It is
clear that the research community is taking seriously the issue of GD as timely special
issues dedicated to different aspects of GD have been recently published on a number
of refereed journals. These included recent special issues focusing on investigating
“Internet Gaming Disorder: A Pathway Towards Assessment Consensus” (Stavropoulos,
Gomez, et al., 2019) and the “Neural Mechanisms Underlying Internet Gaming Disorder”
(Zhang & Brand, 2018).
With this in mind, the present special issue sought to contribute to the many ongoing
debates in the field of GD (see Ferguson et al., 2019, Ferguson and Colwell, 2019,
Griffiths et al., 2016, Schimmenti and Starcevic, 2019, van Rooij et al., 2018) and
to expand the knowledge base of this condition by encouraging additional relevant
research focusing on providing novel insights to help tackle conceptual and measurement
issues surrounding GD. This is a timely challenge given that the two major diagnostic
frameworks for this condition are not consistent in the number of criteria needed
to be endorsed to diagnose GD. Such inconsistencies led Pontes, Schivinski, Brzozowska-Woś,
and Stavropoulos (2019) to suggest that the operationalization for GD according to
the APA and WHO frameworks highlight important discrepancies at the clinical level.
Furthermore, these authors posited that the WHO framework arguably takes a laxer approach
when defining the condition by reducing the number of criteria needed to be endorsed,
potentially contributing to over-diagnosis and over-pathologization of GD among gamers.
This is a key consideration given that the choice of diagnostic framework itself may
negatively affect diagnostic accuracy of GD in terms of specificity and sensitivity,
as well as positive and negative predictive values, which are key paraments in clinical
assessment. Interestingly, such discrepancies between these two diagnostic frameworks
have been found to interfere with the estimation of prevalence rates in GD (Montag
et al., 2019), and a recent neuroimaging study found key neurobiological differences
associated with the adoption of the two diagnostic frameworks to measure GD (Zhou
et al., 2019).
In this context, the studies published within this special issue of Addictive Behaviors
Reports on GD provide further valuable empirical insights concerning this condition
at several levels. Overall, the studies recruited culturally and developmentally diverse
samples from several countries, including Italy (Triberti et al., 2018), United Kingdom
(Moudiab & Spada, 2019), Poland (Schivinski, Brzozowska-Woś, Buchanan, Griffiths,
& Pontes, 2018), USA (Snodgrass et al., 2019, Stavropoulos et al., 2019), Australia
(Hu et al., 2019, Scerri et al., 2019, Stavropoulos et al., 2019, Stavropoulos et
al., 2019), New Zealand (Hu et al., 2019), and China (Snodgrass et al., 2019), as
well as participants from different Europeans countries (Snodgrass et al., 2019).
Although all the studies in the special issue recruited participants via online surveys,
they used a different range of analytical strategies to provide empirical insights
concerning GD. These included performing basic multivariate statistical analyses such
as testing multiple linear regression models (Moudiab and Spada, 2019, Snodgrass et
al., 2019, Stavropoulos et al., 2019, Stavropoulos et al., 2019, Triberti et al.,
2018), latent variable modeling using Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA), Confirmatory
Factor Analysis (CFA), and testing Multiple Indicator, Multiple Cause (MIMIC) models
(Schivinski et al., 2018, Snodgrass et al., 2019), Item Response Theory (IRT) (Schivinski
et al., 2018), moderation analyses (Stavropoulos et al., 2019, Stavropoulos et al.,
2019) and mediation analyses (Hu et al., 2019, Scerri et al., 2019).
In addition to using a relatively diverse array of statistical analyses, the studies
published in the special issue yielded important findings. The study by Triberti et
al. (2018) investigated the relationship between average time spent playing over day
phases (morning, afternoon, night; week days; weekend days), age, and game preferences
in relation to GD. The authors concluded that time spent playing over day phases is
related to game preferences and age and that GD predicts time spent gaming on mornings.
The study by Schivinski et al. (2018) scrutinized the APA diagnostic criteria for
IGD in a large-scale survey and found that each IGD criterion presents with distinct
clinical weighting when diagnosing this condition, leading the authors to conclude
that the nine IGD criteria need to take into account differential clinical weighting
in diagnostic practices. The special issue also published the first study ever conducted
on the intricacies between the Hikikomori phenomenon and GD (Stavropoulos, Anderson,
et al., 2019). This study found that Hikikomori symptoms are usually associated with
higher incidence of GD symptoms and living with parents may exacerbate GD in Australian
gamers. In another important study, Hu et al. (2019) investigated the interplay between
preference for social games, flow levels, and gender in the context of GD. The authors
found that exclusive preference for social games is associated with higher levels
of flow and GD symptoms while gender did not produce significant effects.
Other research published in the special issue investigated GD in the context of Self-Determination
Theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985). This study by Scerri et al. (2019) found that need fulfilment
deficits were associated with increased GD symptoms, an association that was mediated
by self-esteem and depression but not loneliness. Another study in the special issue
investigated psychological motives and maladaptive cognitions among those with GD
(Moudiab & Spada, 2019). The authors found that motives associated with coping skills
development and maladaptive cognitions associated to overvaluing in-game rewards significantly
predicted GD regardless of negative affect and problematic Internet use.
Finally, this special issue of Addictive Behaviors Reports included strong contributions
from studies examining the cross-cultural effects of GD (Snodgrass et al., 2019, Stavropoulos
et al., 2019). In their study, Snodgrass et al. (2019) showed that, in particular,
the addictive and problematic dimensions of gaming distress are influenced by culture-specific
expressions of achievement motivations, social connection and disconnection, and unique
psychosomatic experiences across North American, European, and Chinese gamers. Relatedly,
Stavropoulos, Adams, et al. (2019) found that among Australian and American gamers,
increased inattention and hyperactivity levels associated with increased GD symptoms
among the two samples. The study also found that these associations differed across
genders between the two countries because more hyperactive-impulsive and inattentive
males in the USA presented higher levels of disordered gaming in comparison to Australian
gamers with a similar profile.
Although significant progress appears to have been made in relation to the conceptualization,
measurement, understanding, and the treatment of GD behaviors, the extant knowledge
in the field necessitates further advancement across several important areas. More
specifically, GD manifestations have been often implicated with the psychological
attachment developed between gamers and their in-game figure of representation, commonly
known as the avatar (Liew et al., 2018, Stavropoulos et al., 2019). Interestingly,
the same gamer-avatar association has been associated with potential behavior transference
in real-life (e.g., Stavropoulos, Gomez, Mueller, Yucel, & Griffiths, 2019). Therefore,
it follows that specific aspects of GD may invite a convergence of the users’ in-game
and real-life behaviors, which (depending upon the character adopted online) could
be either adaptive or maladaptive. However, further knowledge is required in relation
to the specific interplay between offline and online demographics that could accommodate
the channeling of in-game behaviors in a gamer’s real life conduct. Such studies are
valued as significant because they could offer clinically useful information concerning
either real-life disruptive or real-life functional behaviors, precipitated and perpetuated
by GD manifestations.
Furthermore, GD appears to be uniquely different when compared to other forms of behavioral
addictions because gamers in non-western countries appear to be at a higher risk (American
Psychiatric Association, 2013) although this might be a consequence of how different
cultures view the activity of gaming more generally (for instance, non-western societies
often pathologize any activity that is not educationally- or family-oriented (Griffiths,
Kuss, Billieux, & Pontes, 2016). However, gaming-related motivations have not been
yet thoroughly examined in the context of cultural differences, such as those related
to individualistic-collectivistic or hierarchy reflecting cultural values. This gap
in the literature appears significant given the global impact of GD behaviors, as
well as their particular effects and consequences in the populations of multicultural
societies. Specific knowledge considering the cultural aspects involved with GD would
enable the employment of more culturally responsive (and thus resource-effective)
prevention and intervention initiatives. Finally, while GD behaviors have been often
associated with other forms of addiction (both chemical and behavioral) (both chemical
and behavioral; see Burleigh et al., 2019 for a recent review), it is still unclear
as to what extent and how ‘addiction hopping’ phenomena occur (e.g., migrating from
one form of addiction to another; alternatively known as cross-addiction (Griffiths
et al., 2002, Haylett et al., 2004). Such knowledge could significantly advance clinical
practice in the field by addressing addictive tendencies holistically and in a more
efficient manner. However, regardless of future research directions adopted by scholars
internationally, tackling such challenging GD issues requires consistency in regard
to the formal diagnostic definitions and measures introduced, as well as appropriately
capitalizing on the available empirical and clinical knowledge already accumulated.