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      Issues of Unequal Access to Public Health in India

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          Abstract

          Introduction Health in India is a state subject. Although the central government shares a significant part in establishing health care infrastructure, each of the Indian states determines their priorities for health care financing, and provides services to the population. India’s 12th plan document 1 promises to build upon the initiatives that were taken in the 11th plan and expand the reach and coverage of health care to achieve the long-term objective of “universal health care.” Irrespective of the ability to pay, people in India increasingly seek private health care even for minor illnesses like cold, fever, and diarrhea. Private health care in India, however, is not only expensive but also suffers severely from a lack of trained and skilled manpower as compared to the public sector (2). Access to health care facilities is significantly urban biased. So, people living in the rural areas face the additional handicap of such a situation and they form a disproportionately larger share of the unhealthy population. With respect to access to health care, the 12th plan document states that “Barriers to access would be recognized and overcome especially for the disadvantaged and those living far from facilities.” The document goes on to mention that “… the SC and ST, 2 the particularly vulnerable tribal groups, the de-notified 3 and nomadic tribes, the Musahars 4 and the internally displaced must be given special attention while making provisions for, setting up and renovating sub-centers and anganwadis 5 .” These groups need special attention as they not only suffer from unequal and lower access but also produce the worst health outcomes in the country. This is primarily because these groups have been traditionally excluded and discriminated, and therefore suffer from high incidences of poverty and low levels of education (health care awareness), among other disadvantages, which have made their access to public health care tougher. While the public health care system required to have ensured better care and treatment for these marginalized communities, evidence shows that access remains the lowest among these population group. In this paper, we focus on the issues of unequal access to health care in India by rural–urban residence, economic status, and caste/religion identity. Access to Health Care Poor housing condition, unsafe drinking water, lack of sanitation, use of biomass fuels, exposure to environmental odds as a part of the livelihood among the marginal population group often increase the risk of numerous health problems. Desai et al. (3) noted a very high prevalence of minor ailments like cough, fever, diarrhea. (124 per 1,000 individuals) among Indian population. The minor illnesses despite being short term in nature cause substantial time loss from usual activities. The prevalence of these minor ailments is seen to vary substantially by socio-economic conditions of households. These are more prevalent among the poor and the uneducated population and those who belong to the scheduled tribe community. The prevalence seems to reduce with the improvement in living conditions. However, everybody benefits from living in a metro city, regardless of their social position. Treatment rates across groups do not show much variation for minor illnesses. Minor illnesses do not require much laboratory test and people in rural areas prefer to go to a private provider for such types of illnesses due to easy availability and greater convenience. The major share of the cost of minor illnesses is the doctors’ fees and medicine. But, disparity in health care seeking between various socio-economic groups becomes prominent in case of major illnesses like hypertension, heart diseases, diabetes etc. Major illnesses are long term in nature and subject to a number of diagnostic tests. A sizeable proportion of major illnesses in rural areas remain untreated mainly due to unavailability of diagnostic facilities in the local vicinity. Desai et al. (3) have shown that only 3% of the major illnesses in metro areas remain untreated, whereas 12% of the same remain untreated in the less developed villages. Again, one-fifth of the diagnosed major illness among the scheduled tribes remain untreated. The tribal households are usually located in places, which have fewer health facilities and still rely on the traditional healers. A majority of these long-term major illnesses also remain undiagnosed amongst them. They need to go out of the villages, which are often isolated to avail treatment. Access to health care is very much asymmetric between rural and urban India. While urban residents have a choice between public or private providers, the rural residents face far fewer choices. India has a very vast public health network with sub-centers working at the community level. The health sub-centers are manned mainly by bare foot health workers and work as a bridge between community and the primary health centers (PHC). PHC is the first contact point between village community and medical officer; meant to provide an integrated curative and preventive health care to the rural population with emphasis on preventive and promotive aspects of health care. Community health centers (CHC) are more equipped and acts mainly as a first referral unit with diagnostic facilities and a bunch of specialists. Since the recommendations of the Bhore Committee in 1946, a lot of emphasis has been put on the door step delivery of the health services. But, availability of any health facilities does not seem enough to attract people to the government facilities. Desai et al. (3) further noted that the possibility of visiting a government facility for minor illnesses reduce in the presence of any private facilities in the locality, but the reduction is much lesser for larger health care units like the CHC than the sub-centers. Cost of Treatment for Major and Minor Illnesses The envisioned universal access to health care is far from achieving its goals. Over time, a lot of emphasis has been placed on the doorstep delivery of health services. However, the scheme-wise expenditure on India’s National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) during 11th Plan (2007–2012) on public health care expenditure reveals that a major share of the allocated resource on health was spent on family welfare program (90%), leaving a small segment (7.7%) for disease control (4). Though investment in family welfare program is necessary, investment in disease control program cannot be ignored. Limited public health spending and higher emphasis on family planning services over time has resulted into a huge scarcity of resources to be spent on general health. A lot of public health facilities have been initiated in the outreach areas in the last decade, but due to unavailability of quality doctors and diagnostic facilities, people rush to the equally poor private facilities and end up spending more, almost all of which is out-of-pocket (OOP) expense. Impact of Medical Expenditure on Household Well-Being Does the health expenditure cost the same to each household? This remains a major policy concern in many of the developing countries including India, where household OOP payment for health care is a significant part of the total health expenditure. The high OOP spending on health often leads to catastrophic level of spending for healthcare to many households and push them into poverty (5–7). The proportion of households facing catastrophic OOP health payments during 2004–2005, as measured by Ghosh (7) was 15.4% and the range varies as less as 3.5% in Assam to 32.4% in Kerala. Barik and Desai (8) measured the expenditure ratio (health expenditure as a percentage of income) on health care in India as 6% of the monthly average income, which is higher than the common benchmark of affordability (5%) in developing countries (9, 10). Moreover, this health burden is disproportionately distributed among various socio-economic groups. Poor households spent nearly 15% of their monthly income on healthcare compared to the richest households, who spend <1% of their income (Table 1). Table 1 Share of total household income spend on health care in India, 2004–2005. Health care spending (%) on monthly household income Any morbidity Short term Long term All India 6.02 4.43 1.59 Place of residence Metro 1.13 0.67 0.46 Other urban 3.57 2.42 1.15 More developed village 7.73 5.72 2.01 Less developed village 6.87 5.18 1.69 Income Lowest quintile 14.53 11.15 3.38 Second quintile 4.53 3.27 1.26 Thirrd quintile 2.44 1.74 0.7 Fourth quintile 1.44 1.02 0.42 Top quintile 0.65 0.37 0.28 Social groups High caste Hindu 5.13 3.65 1.48 OBC 7.59 5.66 1.93 Dalit 5.32 4.06 1.26 Adivasi 3.88 2.78 1.1 Muslim 4.84 3.88 0.96 Other religion 9.19 4.36 4.83 Barik and Desai (8), p. 57. As discussed above, the income share of the cost of treatment appears much higher on the socially and economically disadvantageous households. These higher health care cost often discourages them to avail treatment as reflected in case of major illnesses. More than two-thirds of the total health expenditure in India is met through household OOP. The coverage of health insurance is also very low among the Indians. Social insurance schemes contribute only 1.13% of the total health expenditure (11). Besides availability and affordability, as discussed above, acceptability and adequacy are the two other important aspects of access to health care (12). A persistent negative attitude toward public health facilities in India has been recorded in a number of studies (13, 14). Das and Hammer (13) evaluated the quality of medical practices as a function of doctor’s competence in terms of knowledge of diseases and the practice of existing knowledge. They found that doctors in the public facilities are more qualified than the private doctors, but they use their knowledge less than what they should do in practice. Again, few studies have pointed out doctor’s absenteeism as the leading cause of people’s avoidance to government health facilities (15, 16). Complaints regarding long waiting hours, lack of privacy in the consultation room etc. are some common supply side constraints of public health system in developing countries including India (17, 18). Discussion Even after more than 50 years of independence, health in India remains a luxury and only the rich can afford it. People visit equally poor private practitioners, ignoring the available public health units, and pay beyond their capacity. Quality health services, either public or private, with some government regulation, can help to improve the present scenario. The adivasi and the dalits are still away from the health equity and face more challenges than the others. Well-equipped health facilities in the vicinity and knowledge of disease conditions can improve the access of public health services. Rather than focusing on the doorstep services, well-equipped PHCs even can do better. A recent study by Goel and Khera (16) noted that provision of free medicine and diagnostic facilities have impacted positively on the patient utilization rate in the state of Rajasthan. Increased coverage of health insurance can add an extra protection from the health risks and early detection of disease conditions may help in achieving good health and lower treatment cost. On the eve of the epidemiological transition, rising share of non-communicable diseases will demand for facilities with diagnostic services (19, 20). So, time has come to change a move from quantity to quality. Author Contributions Dr. DB is the main author responsible for the facts and figures. Dr. AT has assisted on shaping the ideas. Conflict of Interest Statement The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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          What does 'access to health care' mean?

          Facilitating access is concerned with helping people to command appropriate health care resources in order to preserve or improve their health. Access is a complex concept and at least four aspects require evaluation. If services are available and there is an adequate supply of services, then the opportunity to obtain health care exists, and a population may 'have access' to services. The extent to which a population 'gains access' also depends on financial, organisational and social or cultural barriers that limit the utilisation of services. Thus access measured in terms of utilisation is dependent on the affordability, physical accessibility and acceptability of services and not merely adequacy of supply. Services available must be relevant and effective if the population is to 'gain access to satisfactory health outcomes'. The availability of services, and barriers to access, have to be considered in the context of the differing perspectives, health needs and material and cultural settings of diverse groups in society. Equity of access may be measured in terms of the availability, utilisation or outcomes of services. Both horizontal and vertical dimensions of equity require consideration. Copyright The Royal Society of Medicine Press Ltd 2002.
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            Growing Burden of Non-Communicable Diseases in the Emerging Health Markets: The Case of BRICS

            Historical Perspective on Non-Communicable Diseases Worldwide The blooming of incidence and prevalence of “prosperity diseases” among the broad layers of modern day populations is rather novel phenomenon in demographic history of the human race (1). Illnesses such as obesity (2), diabetes mellitus, hypertension, cerebrovascular and cardiovascular consequences of atherosclerosis, renal insufficiency, mental disorders, and even cancer are closely related to the increased longevity of most contemporary societies (3). In previous centuries, they were mostly reserved for elite social groups enjoying rather luxurious life style. Vast majority of citizens of the time were living in rural communities on the verge of poverty. Their structure of morbidity even in Europe until late 19th century was dominated by burden of infectious diseases and injury while neonatal and maternal mortality rates were huge. Industrial revolution led to the growth of living standards, invention of vaccines, and antibiotics, and ultimately development of organized publicly funded health systems. The prominent European health policy makers in the 19th century properly believed that effective public health measures will diminish huge burden of infectious diseases. Consecutively, they expected that overall costs of medical care provision should decrease substantially and ultimately reach plateau level. This second step turned out to be a great miscalculation and a surprise. Like no time in written past, people began living longer and healthier lives. But it happened at the cost. Simultaneously, from many industrialized nations, evidence were accumulating of accelerated occurrence of non-communicable diseases. Accomplishment of evidence-based medicine succeeded to control many of these initially incurable diseases, thereby transforming them into life time disorders as in the typical cases of diabetes and terminal renal insufficiency. Acute bacterial infections, dominating morbidity in the old days, were usually successfully treated within few weeks. Unlike these, chronic illnesses were bringing long-term burden for both the patients and the society. Malignant disorders with its complex treatment strategies present particularly demanding medical conditions. Cancer leaves permanent footprint in a life of a patient in terms of poor survival rates, decreased life quality, and working ability. Non-Communicable Diseases Expansion in Developing Countries The ultimate demographic transition consisting of ascending portion of elderly, falling fertility rates, and bold growth of median age within contemporary nations became broadly recognized as population aging (4). Most of this transformation of morbidity and mortality structure happened in rich industrial countries of Western Europe, North America, and Japan many decades ago. The same pattern of population aging associated with huge incidence and prevalence rates of major non-communicable diseases repeated on wider scale much later in developing countries. The worldwide transformation of public health landscape to the large extent is attributable to the accelerated pace of globalization after the end of Cold War era (5). Particularly interesting, current developments belong to the economies responsible for most of global growth that are recognized as the emerging markets. The countries whose reshaped structure of morbidity is most likely to affect global health in the future are definitely the BRICS [Brazil (6), Russia, India, China, South Africa] (7). BRICS’s far extended long-term influence in health arena worldwide will be related to their mammoth sized populations. Their increased domestic demand for medical technologies and medicines is already shaping investment strategies of major pharmaceutical and medicinal device industries. Another significant issue is their bold foreign medical assistance programs particularly targeted for emerging markets of Sudanese Africa, Latin America, Central and South East Asia (8). These leading countries are closely followed by a set of smaller scale economies mostly marked as N-11 (Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, South Korea, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Turkey, and Vietnam) (9). Very similar process is simultaneously taking place in dynamically developing Southern (10) and South-East Asian (11), Latin American, Eastern European (12), and Arab speaking MENA region (13). Eradication of poverty currently taking place in these regions is coupled with changed dietary habits (14) (higher salt and fat and lower carbohydrate intake), wide spread tobacco abuse, and sedentary life styles (15). The mentioned factors contributing to the growing burden of non-communicable diseases. It became obvious that contribution of emerging markets and Third World countries to the global economic burden of NCDs will grow further. It will, highly, likely, soon have greater share than the one of established mature market economies (16). As basic assumption of most forecasts remains the fact that such growth will be dominated by developments in China (17) and India (18). High toll of this unfortunate change for developing countries is coupled impact of communicable and non-communicable diseases (19). At the same time, many national health systems throughout Asia and beyond expose poor responsiveness to the NCDs related population needs. There seems to be serious barriers in access to medical care and its affordability to the ordinary citizens. The increasing awareness on approaching of almost unbearable burden of NCDs (20) led to the high profile United Nations meeting on the subject in 2011 (21). Such UN gatherings are so uncommon on health related topics that it happened only once in past due to AIDS. NCDs recognized as the core global health challenges were cardiovascular disorders, cancer, diabetes, and chronic respiratory illness. These changes are beginning to profoundly change the landscape of even the poorest countries around the globe. So far, NCDs have already overarched burden of infectious diseases and injury in terms of disability adjusted life years, as well as work load and economic burden to the most national health sectors (22). Promising Cost-Effective Solutions for the Future The blossoming of prosperity disease did not happen suddenly. It was a consequence of long chain of evolutionary events in civil society development. We will mention only some of them such as technological revolution, improved housing conditions, sanitation and sewage disposal, public health successes in eradication of major infectious diseases, policy efforts to tackle hunger and starvation among the world’s poor, and ultimately tobacco (23) and alcohol abuse (24). As its preconditions took so long to be created, it is unlikely that we shall be able to tackle NCD’s burden effectively in near future. Rich countries as well as developing ones concluded that orchestrated efforts will be needed in the international arena. World Health Organization has adopted a package of measures, whose implementation and progress are being monitored (25), broadly known as “Global coordination mechanisms on NCDs” (26). As most cost-effective and feasible measures were identified, control of tobacco consumption to the targeted 5% consumers worldwide until 2025 and reduction of salt intake by general populations of at least 15% in the order of significance. These interventions that were named “best buy” solutions offering best attainable compromise between the need for investment and outcomes that will be gained (27). Promotion of active life style and healthy diet, as well as other preventive and screening measures, comes at the second place. If such efforts are followed closely by national authorities, WHO expects that these measures should achieve 25% reduction of NCD attributable premature mortality until 2025 (28). Many of the proposed strategies were previously tested within a sound methodological framework applied on a second largest emerging market of the America, Mexico (29). The most challenging issue for the emerging markets’ health systems appears to be universal health coverage (30). These systems were built up on diverse historical legacies and should find each one its own way to handle the upcoming pressure of prosperity diseases coupled with accelerated population aging. Profound transformation of current network of medical facilities in Third World countries, as well as human capacity building, will be forced to move priority from acute care toward complex, chronic illnesses (31). Growing Burden of NCDs Coincided with Increasing Health Expenditures As witnessed by current WHO estimates given in Table 1, we may see that overall burden of non-communicable disease has consolidated in some countries such as Russia recording even slight decrease over the past decade. Nevertheless, leading emerging markets of China and India followed by a large distance in absolute terms by Brazil and South Africa exhibited clear pattern of increasing burden of NCDs expressed in terms of Years of Life Lost, Years Lost due to Disability, and Disability-Adjusted Life Year (DALY). According to WHO, NCDs attributable mortality increased substantially among the same four countries with notable promising exception of Russia. Russian partial success in containing but not decreasing toll of prosperity diseases over 2000–2012 observation period might be attributable to the strong public health legacy of Soviet era as well as reform policies implemented in recent past (32). The rates of hospital discharges increased substantially in the emerging markets across the globe following the increased presence of NCDs in the overall morbidity and mortality structure. This was mainly the case with clinical admissions that could be attributed to the malignant disorders (33) and circulatory diseases (34), followed by chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases (35) and diabetes (36). National level spending on medicines indicated to treat these conditions followed at the same pace, so entire regional pharmaceutical markets adjusted to these changes as was the case in South Eastern Europe (37). Extensive presence of chronic prosperity illnesses supported stronger demand for medical imaging (38), laboratory testing (39), outpatient visits, prescription and dispensing of novel pharmaceuticals (40), surgical, radiation oncology (41), and rehabilitation services. These phenomena were relying on strengthened civil expectations for advanced medical technologies supported by growing living standards and domestic consumption in BRICS markets. If we take into account serious challenge of home-based care for the disabled and growing portion of elderly citizens with special needs, bold growth of national health expenditures should have been predicted (42). China is absolutely leading in terms of purchase power parity of its health spending. Huge lag of all other major emerging economies behind People’s Republic of China is most obvious when compared to the India, rapidly developing nation of a similar population size. Table 1 Non-communicable diseases burden-related indicators; WHO estimates for BRICS in 2000 and 2012; total health expenditure and out-of-pocket health expenditure in terms of current international $ purchase power parity basis (source: Global Health Expenditure Database). Brazil Russian federation India China South Africa 2000 2012 2000 2012 2000 2012 2000 2012 2000 2012 Population (millions) 174.5 198.6 146.8 143.2 1,042.3 1,236.7 1,287.7 1,384.8 44.8 52.4 Years of Life Lost [YLL (′000)]* 22,532 24,915 44,566 40,597 150,751 175,435 165,905 186,591 5,534 7,398 Years Lost due to Disability [YLD (′000)]** 14,600 18,077 16,586 16,206 78,150 96,886 84,450 99,877 3,436 4,233 Disability-Adjusted Life Year [DALY (′000)]*** 37,132 42,992 61,152 56,803 228,901 272,321 250,355 286,468 8,970 11,631 Estimated deaths (′000) NCDs caused, both sexes 777 978 1,819 1,801 4,579 5,869 6,839 8,577 176 264 Total expenditure on health (in million current $ PPP) $87,681 $220,240 $54,200 $211,008 $68,816 $193,969 $138,131 $664,644 $24,728 $51,458 Out of pocket expenditure (in million current $PPP) $33,277 $68,168 $16,242 $72,417 $46,771 $111,673 $81,469 $228,245 $3,227 $3,695 *WHO estimated Years of Life Lost (YLL) due to premature mortality NCDs caused, both sexes (′000). **WHO estimated Years Lost due to Disability (YLD) for people living with NCDs or its consequences (′000). ***WHO estimated Disability-Adjusted Life Year (DALY) NCDs caused, both sexes (′000). Catastrophic household expenditure presents particularly crucial issue throughout the countries of Sudanese Africa with very low incomes, whose medical care is dominantly supported by out-of-pocket spending (43). This happens due to absence of strong national health insurance funds whose revenues would come out of mandatory taxation supported by governmental and external financial sources. Huge, occasionally sevenfold growth of out-of-patient expenditure is clearly visible among the top BRICS markets. Such socioeconomic vulnerability seriously affects the poor members of the community. This might be the crucial issue for long-term affordability (44) of medical care to the ordinary citizens because almost all of the emerging markets own massive rural populations. Urbanization process, which began in Europe in 18th century, is still rapidly evolving throughout Asia, Africa, and Latin America (45). Extensive development of medical facilities network covering remote areas will remain one of the key difficulties for national governments. This is worsened by inevitable concentration of most professional staff in large cities with much more rewarding personal career opportunities. The primary goal for the future of these health systems wiil be provision of accessible medical care. It should have decent quality supported by universal health insurance coverage and full reimbursement of at least essential medicines. The speed of economic growth, political stability, and effectiveness of health reforms remain highly diverse among the top 20 emerging markets. Some global forecasting agencies as well as international financial organizations were pointing out that some smaller scale N-11 economies were top performers on some criteria. Nevertheless, the prevailing consensus is that BRICS (46) health care markets will inevitably outpace all others and remain well ahead of their competition shaping the global health challenges in the first half of 21st century. Conflict of Interest Statement The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
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                Author and article information

                Contributors
                Journal
                Front Public Health
                Front Public Health
                Front. Public Health
                Frontiers in Public Health
                Frontiers Media S.A.
                2296-2565
                27 October 2015
                2015
                : 3
                : 245
                Affiliations
                [1] 1National Council of Applied Economic Research , New Delhi, India
                Author notes

                Edited by: Mihajlo Jakovljevic, University of Kragujevac, Serbia

                Reviewed by: Kunal Keshri, Govind Ballabh Pant Social Science Institute, India; Amit Kumar Sahoo, Public Health Foundation of India, India; Avishek Hazra, Population Council, India

                *Correspondence: Debasis Barik, debasisbarik25@ 123456gmail.com

                Specialty section: This article was submitted to Epidemiology, a section of the journal Frontiers in Public Health

                Article
                10.3389/fpubh.2015.00245
                4621381
                26579507
                8e0e2482-d6e3-4864-8fdc-8cc2098b6662
                Copyright © 2015 Barik and Thorat.

                This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

                History
                : 17 September 2015
                : 14 October 2015
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